



PRRSKNTKIl BY 



i 



The Influence of Statius 
upon Chaucer 



BY 

BOYD ASHBY WISE 



^ Di^siertation 



SUBMITTED TO THE BOARD OP UNIVERSITY STUDIES OP THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVBRSITT 

IN CONPOBUITY WITH THE REQUIREMENTS POR THE DEGREE 

OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

1905 



BALTIMORE 

J. H. FURST COMPANY 

1911 



The Influence of Statius 
upon Chaucer 



BY 

BOYD ASHBY WISE 



Diggertation 

SUBMITTED TO THE BOAKD OP UNIVEKSITY STUDIES OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY 

IN CONFORMITY WITH THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGRBK 

OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

1905 



BALTIMORE 

J. H. FURST COMPANY 
1911 



TR)<t 



.^^ W5 



SEP 2* lit 



For out of olde feldes, as men seith 
Cometh al this newe corn fro yeer to yere; 
And out of olde bokes, in good feith, 
Cometh al this newe science that men lere. 

Pari. 22. 



CONTENTS. 



Intkoduction, ----- 

I. Direct Influence op the Thebaid : 

Troilus and Criseyde, - . - 

House of Fame, - - - . 

Legend of Good Women, - - - 

Compleynt unto Pite, _ . . 

Book of the Duchesse, . . - 

Compleynt of Mars, - - 

Anelida and Arcite, - - - - 

Canterbury Tales, .... 

II. Indirect Influence op the Thebaid : 

A. Through Boccaccio, . - . 

II Filostrato, - - - - 

La Teseide, - - . - 

Troilus and Criseyde, 

Legend of Good Women, 

Parlement of Foules, 

Anelida and Arcite, 

Canterbury Tales, 

B. Through Le Roman de Thebes, 

The Thebaid-Thebes Problem, 

Did Chaucer know the Roman de Thebes ? 

III. The Achilleis, - - - - 

IV. The Silvae, - - - - - 
Conclusion, - . . . . 

BrBLIOGRAPHY, . . - . - 



PAGE. 
1 

4 

36 
38 
39 
41 
42 
44 
46 

60 

60 

62 

62 

64 

64 

66 

78 

116 

116 

127 

137 

139 

141 

143 



THE INFLUENCE OF STATIUS UPON CHAUCER. 



INTRODUCTION. 

Since the time of Tyrwhitt, it has been well known that 
Chaucer was acquainted with the Thehald at first hand; and 
since then various scholars have pointed out many passages in 
Chaucer that are due to Statins. But these borrowings were 
in most cases indicated by Chaucer's references to Stace or to 
some character who is prominent in the Theban story. This 
investigation was begun with a view to determining whether 
there were not still other borrowings to which Chaucer had 
given no clue. It seemed best, for the sake of completeness, 
to extend the study to the Achilleis and Silvae. It is true the 
textual tradition of the latter, as known to us, precludes the 
possibility of Chaucer's having seen it. However, had a close 
parallel between Chaucer and the Silvae been detected, it 
would have been evidence that this work was known in the 
14th century. 

Two well known forms of the Theban legend in the Middle 
Ages have also been considered, viz. Boccaccio's Teseide and 
the Old French anonymous Roman de Thebes. It will thus 
be seen that my object was to determine the full extent of the 
influence of Statius upon Chaucer, by indicating not only what 
is due directly to the Thehaid, but also what comes from it 
indirectly through these two romantic intermediary forms of 
the legend. 

I do not doubt that some resemblances in thought and phrase 
have eluded my search, for influence is a subtle thing when the 
author influenced is a great, original genius, able to improve 
upon models and sources, or at any rate able to give all material 
the stamp of his own mint. On the other hand, deeming it 



2 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

well to err rather on the side of fullness of treatment, I have 
pointed out some interesting parallels, the relation of which 
as borrowing and source I should not care to defend. Chaucer's 
indebtedness to Statius is especially difficult to trace ; for mytho- 
logical allusions, of which Chaucer is so fond, can not in many 
cases be said to be due to Statius rather than to some other Latin 
poet whom he knew just as familiarly. For instance, not a 
few of Chaucer's allusions which lack the telling phrase that 
points to the original, might have been taken equally well from 
Statius, Ovid, or Virgil. In these cases, I have thought it 
worth while to quote parallels from other Latin authors than 
Statius, though such quotation has for the most part been con- 
fined to authors that Chaucer is known to have used. In fact, 
this latent indebtedness is difficult to trace because it results 
from Chaucer's wide reading and thorough assimilation of 
what he read; consequently his mind was so well stored with 
classic lore that methods of treating a theme, or apt illustrations 
of it, readily suggested themselves even when he had no text 
before him. 

In treating Statius' indirect influence through the medium 
of Boccaccio, I have of course scrupulously excluded Chaucer's 
borrowings from those portions of the Teseide which can not 
be definitely paralleled by quotations from the Thehaid. Simi- 
larly, those portions of the Troilus which have their source 
in the Filostrato have been passed over in the search for Statian 
parallels. 

Constans ^ and Hamilton - have established a probability that 
Chaucer knew some form of the Roman de Thebes, which thus 
becomes a channel of Statius' influence. This probability has 
been strengthened by my study, though not to such an extent 
as to amount to certainty. The relation of the Roman to 
iStatius has been a mooted question, opinion inclining to the view 
ihat the enormous amount of invention based on the Thehaid 



^ Roman de Thebes (ii, p. clix). 

^Chaucer's Indebtedness to Gttido (p. 92, n. 2). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 3 

was not original with the anonymous old French author. 
Though I should not insist that the author of the Thebes made 
direct use of the Thehaid, still I have been able to point out 
a few parallels significant of a closer relation than has hereto- 
fore been supposed to exist. Completeness in this particular 
was not intended, and is not claimed. I may devote a later 
study to this subject. 

In presenting the results of my study I have tried to draw 
the line between direct and indirect influence ; and have taken 
up Chaucer's works under these two headings in the following 
order: Troilus and Criseyde, House of Fam^, Legend of Good 
^Vomen, Minor Poems, Canterbury Tales.^ 

My obligations are many. I owe most to Professor Kirby 
Flower Smith, the director of my course of study; for he 
not only suggested the subject of my dissertation, but 
guided me and encouraged me in my work. Professor James 
W, Bright, who taught me to appreciate Chaucer, has also 
offered many fruitful suggestions. I am heavily indebted to 
Professor W. W. Skeat, whose peerless edition of Chaucer made 
it possible for me to undertake my task. I quote his text, and 
have received valuable suggestions from his notes and intro- 
ductions. Other aids that have proved invaluable are: Henry 
Ward's marginal notes to the Six-Text Print of the Canterbury 
Tales, and W. M. Rossetti's comparison of the Troilus with 
the Filostrato. 



^ This convenient order has been set up by Skeat ( ii, p. xxviii ) in ex- 
hibiting the results of Stewart's comparison of Boethius with Chaucer. 



4 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

I. DIKECT INFLUENCE OF THE THEBAID. 

Ti'oihis and Criseyde: Book I. 

Tyrwhitt ^ was the first to point ont that Chaucer borrowed 
his Troilus from the Filostrato of Boccaccio ; but it remained 
for W. M. Rossetti to determine the precise extent of Chaucer's 
obligation. His line-for-line comparison of the two poems - 
shows that somewhat less than one-third of the Troilus is due 
to Boccaccio."^ With the exception of V. 932-37, all of Chau- 
cer's patent references to the Theban story are in those portions 
of the Troilus that are not taken from the Filostrato. Con- 
sequently the extensive influence of Statius upon the Troilus is, 
in the main, direct. 

Chaucer's invocation of Tisiphone instead of one of the 
Muses is peculiar, and may have been suggested by the The- 
haid I. 58 fF. where (Edipus calls upon the queen of the furies 
to hear and answer his prayer entreating punishment of his 
insolent sons. 

" Thesiphone, tliou help me for tendyte 
Thise woful vers, that wepen as I wryte ! 

To thee clepe I thou goddesse of torment, 

Thou cruel Furie, sorwing ever in peyne; 

Help me, that am the sorwful instrument 

That helpeth lovers, as I can to pleyne! 

For wel sit it, the sothe for to seyne, 

A woful wight to han a drery fere, 

And, to a sorwful tale, a scry chere (l. 6-l4). 

Cf. Theb. I. 58 ^' multumque mihi consueta vocari Adnue, 
Tisiphone, perversaque vota secunda." CEdipus says he can 

^Canterbury Tales, i, pp. xli, 71, and v, p. 340. 

^Chaue. Soc, 1875, 1883. 

^ See his Prefatory Remarks, p. iii. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 5 

lay some claim to Tisiphone's aid ; for she has been his com- 
panion and guide in his course of crime (Tu saltem debita 
vindex, 1. 80). Tisiphone in answer to the prayer manages 
the course of Fate against the Theban kingdom. With '' cruel 
Furie/' cf. " crudelis diva," i. 88 ; " crudelis Erinys " said of 
Tisiphone viii, 680; cf. also viii, 65-71. With '' goddesse of 
tormente/' cf. i. 85 " tartarei regina barathri " ; i. 93 " discedit 
inane vulgus et occiirsns dominae pavet.'^ 

Close in thought to i. 211: "O blinde world, O blinde en- 
tencioun!" is llieh. v. 718 '"pro fors et caeca futuri mens 
hominum ! " 

]^ext to be considered is i. 393 if., lines that are very im- 
portant because they have to do with Chaucer's relation to his 
source. They have nevertheless always been misunderstood. 

" And of his song nought only the sentence, 
As writ myn autour called Lollius 
But pleynly, save our tonges difference, 
I dar wel sayn, in al that Troilus 
Seyde in liis song; lo! every Avord right thus 
As I shal seyn; and who-so list it here, 
Lo! next this vers, he may it finden here." 

Much depends upon the correct interpretation of this stanza 
which introduces the Cantus Troili, a translation of Petrarch's 
88th sonnet. The stanza may be paraphrased as follows : " I 
give not merely the theme of Troilus' song (as my author 
Lollius did) ; but I give the song verbatim. The only differ- 
ence is that Troilus spoke one language, and I speak another." 
That this is the correct meaning is seen by referring the word 
" our " (1. 395) to the proj)er persons, viz. to the words Troilus 
and I. Thus interpreted the stanza supports the statement: 
" My author Lollius wrote only the theme of Troilus' song, not 
the words which I give next this verse " (i.e. next after 1. 
398). This statement is quite consistent with the mere men- 
tion of the song in the Filostrato (i. 37) : 

" E quindi lieto si diede a cantare." 



6 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

If I have correctly interpreted the strophe, then there is 
no occasion for the following remark by Rossetti : " Some sus- 
picion may arise that Chaucer supposed the Filostrato to be 
the work, not of Boccaccio, but of Petrarch." ^ 

On the contrary, we are assured that Chaucer knew his 
author LoUius (Boccaccio) was not the author (Petrarch) of 
the Cantus Troili. Skeat, too, wrongly thinks Chaucer refers 
the song of Troilus to Lollius ; see Vol. ii, p. liii, where he says 
that Lollius in this passage " really means Petrarch." This 
mistaken idea, which results from wrongly referring our (1. 
395) to LoUius and I has ranged through editions and mono- 
gi-aphs ^ from Tyrwhitt ^ to Hamilton.^ 

Professor Bright has accepted this interpretation which shows 
Chaucer to be consistent in his use of the name Lollius and 
has published ^ the correct explanation of the way in which 
Lollius synonymizes Boccaccio. 

Boccaccio with its pejorative suffix means " ugly mouth ; " 
and to one seeking to use a synonym would suggest that its 
possessor was a thick-tongued babbler careless about his articu- 
lation. The English words for characterizing such a person 
were loll, lollard, toiler. By the addition of the classical 
suffix -ius to the radical syllable loll, Boccaccio would be rendered 
by an euphonious equivalent having the semblance of an author's 
name. 

" I graunte wel that thou endurest wo 
As sharp as doth he Ticius in helle, 
Whos stomak foules teyren ever-mo 
That highte volturis, as bokes telle" (I. 785-88). 

With these words of Pandarus to Troilus, cf. Theh. vi. 728 ff. 

^ Op. cit., p. viii. 

= If the note of the Globe Edition (1898), p. 443, "Lollius, i. e. 
Boccaccio (see v. 1653). Why Chaucer always refers to Boccaccio as 
Lollius, is still a mystery," is an exception it is inconsistent with the 
note of the same edition (p. 576) where the view of Dr. Latham is 
recorded. 

' Canterbury Tales, TV. 340. 

* Chaucer's Indebtedness to Guido, pp. 3 and 145 f. 

• Mod. Lang. Assoc. Publicat., Dec. 1904, p. xxii. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 7 

descriptive of Capanens when about to begin a boxing contest. 
" ilic quantum Tityos Stygiis consurgat ah arvis Si torvae 
patiuntur aves, tanta undique pandit Membrorum spatia et 
tantis ferns ossibus extat." Similarly, Capaneus when struck 
by Jove's thunderbolt, covers as much ground as Tityos (xii. 
12): 

" Quantus Apollineae temerator matris Averno 
Tenditur: ipsae horrent, se quando pectore ab alto 
Emergunt, volucres immensaque membra iacentis 
Spectant, dum miserae crescunt in pabula fibrae." 

But the original of Chaucer's lines is Boeth. De Cons. Philos. 
Book iii.^ Met. 12 : " Vultur, dum satur est modis non traxit 
Tityi iecur " rendered thus in Chaucer's translation : " The 
jowl that highte voltor, that eteth the stomaJc or the giser of 
Tityus, is so fulfild of his song that it nil eten ne tyren no 
more." ^ 

Troilus. Book II. 

Line 1 if. Chaucer (following Dante, Purg., i. 1) speaks 
of the progress of his work under the metaphor of a voyage. 
He has been sailing through the tempestuous matter of his 
book, ISTow " the wedder ginneth clere," and Tisiphone is 
no longer a suitable companion (cf. i. 13) ; so he invokes 
Clio to help him from this time forth (ii. 8). He needs to 
employ no other art than that of history; for he is adapting a 
Latin (i. e. Latino volgare) record. 

" lady myn, that called are Cleo, 
Thou be my speed fro this forth, and my muse, 
To ryme wel this book, till I have do; 
Me needeth here noon other art to use" (n. 8-11). 

Similarly Statins invokes Clio as his muse (i. 41) : '* Quem 
prius heroum, Clio, dabis ? " Cf. x. 630 : ''' Memor incipe 

' See Appendix B in Hugh Fraser Stewart's Boethins : an Essay. Edinb. 
and London. 1891. 



8 The Influence of Statins upon Chancer. 

Clio Saecnla te quoniam penes et digesta vetustas." It seems 
not improbable that Chaucer's choice of both Tisiphone and 
Clio was determined by the Thehaid. 

The metaphor of the voyage appears well elaborated in the 
FUostrato (ix. 3) : 

" Noi siam venuti al porto, il qual cercando 
Ora fra scogli ed or per mare aperto 
Con zefiro e eon turbo navigando 
Andati siam, seguendo per 1' incerto 
Pelago V alta luce e 1' venerando 
Segno di quella stella, che esperto 
Fa ogni mio pensiero al fin dovuto, 
E fe' poi clie da me fu conoseiuto." 

Cf. the note to Anelida, 1. 20, p. 74. 

A very important passage now to be considered is ii. 83-108. 
Early one May morning Pandarus went to Criseyde's palace 
to tell her that Troilus was in love with her, and to do all he 
could to advance his friend in his suit. Upon his arrival at 
his niece's palace, Pandarus found her with two other ladies 
in a paved parlour ; " and they three 

Herden a mayden reden hem the geste 
Of the Sege of Thebes, whyl hem leste. 

Quod Pandarus, ' ma dame, god yow see 
With al your book and al the companye! ' 
' Ey, uncle myn, welcome y-wis,' quod she 
And up she roos, and by the bond in bye 
She took him faste, and seyde, ' this night thrye, 
To goode mote it turne, of yow I mette! ' 
And with that word she down on bench him sette. 

' Ye nece, ye slial fare wel the bet, 

If god wole al this yeer,' quod Pandarus; 
' But I am sory that I have yow let 

To herknen of yoiir book j'e preysen thus; 

For goddes love, what seith it? tel it us. 

Is it of love? O, som good ye me lere! ' 
'Uncle,' quod she, 'your maistresse is not here!' 

^Yith that they gonnen laughe, and tho she seyde, 
' This roinaimee is of Thebes, that we rede ; 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 9 

And we han herd how that king Laius deyde 
Thurgh Edippiis his sone, and al that dede; 
And here we stenten at these lettres rede, 
How the bisshop, as the book can telle, 
Aniphiorax, fil thurgh the ground to helle.' 

Quod Pandarus, ' al this knowe I my-selve, 
And al the assege of Thebes and the care; 
For her-of been ther maked bokes twelve.' " 

The '' geste of the Sege of Thebes " which was being read to 
Crisevde is so specifically described that if this were Chaucer's 
only reference to the Theban legend, there could be no doubt 
that he had seen a ms. of Statins' Thehaid. The story was 
written in twelve books; and the closing lines of one of the 
books told how " Amphiorax '" fell through the ground ; for 
the red letters just after the description were the colophon of 
a book. Now the end of the seventh book of the Thehaid (11. 
794-823) describes the earthquake which cleft the ground and 
let Amphiaraus in his war-chariot fall into the infernal regions. 
The death of the seer is again referred to TroiJ. v. 1500 ; cf. 
also Anelida 57, C. T., D. 740. 

In the passage quoted above, there are two slight indications 
that Chaucer had already seen the Roman de Thehes. " This 
romaunce is of Thebes " (1. 100) may be the title of the O. F. 
poem applied to the Latin epic. Cf. Thehes, explicit ms. P., 
" Li romans de Thebes," and incipit ms. B, '' li roumans de 
Thebes.^ Again, Amphiorax is called " bisshop " which may 
have been suggested by " evesque " {Thehes, 5053) ; cf. '"' arce- 
vesques " (4791). In fact Amphiarax is an O. F. spelling 
of Amphiaraus and may be received as evidence that Chaucer 
had read the Theban story in that language. 

It may be remarked in passing that Troilus, like the valiant 
Tydeus, chose Pallas as his special deity ; cf. ii. 425 and Theh. 
I. 704 ff. 

, "To deethe mote I smiten be with thonder " (ii. 1145). 
' Constans ii, pp. x, xvii. 



10 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Pauclarus here invites the fate of Capaneus ; cf. v. 1504 f. 

" And also how Cappaneus the proude 
With thonder-dint was slayn, that crydc loude." 

Capaneus challenged Jove to battle in such insolent terms that 
the auctor fulminis deemed him worthy of a bolt, Theh. x. 
902 ff. 

Troilus. Book III. 

The first 38 lines of this proem (iii. 1 ff.) are a close adapta- 
tion of Boccaccio's Filostrato (iii. 74-79). In Boccaccio, the 
words are a speech of Troilus ; Chaucer addresses them to 
Venus on his own account because he wishes to invoke her aid 
in describing Troilus' amorous bliss (1. 39 if). To Venus 
alone was it given to brave the wrath of Mars (1. 22) ; cf. 
Theh. III. 295-99. 

" Caliope, thy vois be now presente, 
For now is nede; sestow not my destresse, 
How I mot telle anon-right the gladnesse 
Of Troilus, to Venus heryinge?" (iii. 45-48). 

Statins, too, invokes Calliope, Theh. 4, 34: — 

" tuque, nemoris regina sonori, 
Calliope, quas ille manus, quae moverit arma 
Gradivus, quantas populis solaverit urbes, 
Sublata molire lyra." Cf. 8, 373 f. 

The custom of the classical poets, which Chaucer has adopted 
in his Troilus, was to invoke the muses not only at the begin- 
ning of a work, but also in the body of it when they 
were confronted by a task of unusual difficulty (Quintil. iv. 
Prooem. 4). 

Natal loves (iii. 150). Skeat remarks: "The reason for 
the use of natal is not obvious." He cites Hor. Epist. ii. 2, 
187. Jove is called natal because he is the source of gods, 



The Influence of iitatius upon Chaucer. H 

men, and things. Cf. C. T., A. 3035 1; Theh. iii. 48S, 
" Summe sator terraeque divumque," i. 178, iii. 219, 239, v. 
22, VII. 155, 734, IX. 511, 835, xi. 218; Yerg. Aen. i. 251; 
Liican X. 266 ; particularly Valerius Soranus, quoted by Augusti- 
nus, De Civ. Dei, 7, 9 : — 

" lupiter omnipotens, rerum, regumque, deumque 
Progenitor, genetrixque deuvi, deus unus et omnis." 

Cf. also Troil. iii. 1016: "But O, thou love, O auctor of 
nature" ; and Ovid M. iv. 640 "auctor generis (luppiter)." 

" O love eek, for the love of faire Europe, 
The which in form of bole away thou fette " (ill. 722 f.). 

Similarly Bacchus when pleading for his native city, makes 
Jove's love for Europa the basis of appeal, Theh. vii. 191: — 

" Hie Tyriura genus et nostro felicior igne 
Taurus: Agenoreos saltern tutare nepotes." 

Cf. XI. 210-14; and see the note to L. of G. W. 113, B. (p. 64). 
" O Mars, thou with thy bloody cope " (in. 724) ; cf. Theh. 
III. 229 " tota perfusum pectora belli tempestate " ; vii. 264, 
" Mavorte cruento " ; viii. 231. Yerg. (Aen. 12, 332) and 
Ovid (R. A. 153) call the god sanguineus. Cf. " Mars the 
rede ''' C. T., A. 1747, and Anelida i. " Marte rubicondo " 
(Tes. I. 3). 

" O night, alias ! why niltow over us hove, 
As longe as whanne Almena lay by love ?" (ill. 1428). 

Cf. Theh. VI. 266: " Parvoque Alcmena superbit Hercule, tejye- 
niina crinem circumdata luna " ; ix. 424 "' vetitam currus deiun- 
gere Phoben; xii. 300 " Certe Jovis improba (Cpithia) iussu 
Ter 7ioctem Herculeajn." Lactantius on xii. 301. "lupiter cum 
Alcmenam Amphitryonis amasset uxorem et ad eam corrum- 
pendam demutatus in Amphitryonis venisset specie, ne adventu 
diei concubitus minueretur voluptas, iussit luppiter illam noc- 



12 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

tern triplicem fieri, cma triplices cursus Luna peregit. Ex quo 
compressu Alcmenae Hercules dicitur natus. Merito ergo noc- 
tem Herculeam dixit, in qua couceptus est Hercules." Boccac- 
cio (Tes. IV. 14) : 

" E quelle dove son d'Alcmena 
Che doppia notte voile a farsi plena?" 

has probably misunderstood Stat. Theh. x. 76 '' N^on saevius 
arsii (luno) Herculeae cum matris onus geminosque Tonantis 
secubitus vacuis indignaretur in astris." 

In bis Tagelied, Troilus says : " O cruel day . . . envious 
day, what list thee so to spyen ? " (iii. 1450 ff.). Statins, 
describing the unsuccessful attempt of the armor-bearers of 
Tydeus and Parthenopaeus to recover the bodies of their kings, 
says they dared not to speak or weep ; for " prope saera dies 
indexcjue rn'matur Ortus" (Theh. x. 381). 

" Thou hast in hevene y-brought my soule at reste 
Fro Flegiton, the fiery flood of liclle" (in. 1599 f.). 

Cf. Theh. IV. 523 " Fumidus atra vadis Phlegethon incendia 
volvit " ; VIII. 29 " Adsistunt lacrimis atque igne tumentes 
Cocytus Phlegethonque." Of course Chaucer's reference to the 
Phlegethon might have been taken from any one of a number 
of sources. Skeat quotes Verg. Aen. vi. 550 " Quae rapidus 
-fianiniis ambit torrentibus amnis Tartareus Phlegethon." 



Troilus. liook lY. 

" O ye Herines, Nightes doughtren three, 
That endelees compleynen ever in pyne, 
Megara, Alete, and eek Thesiphone " (iv. 22-24). 

"Now that Troilus suffers double sorrow from the loss of Cri- 
seyde, Chaucer invokes the aid of all the furies whereas he 
deemed Tisiphone sufficient in the first book. So Statins re- 
gards Tisiphone as inadequate to complete the work of fate 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 13 

affaiiist the two 'brothers; and Mesjaera is summoned to 
help incite them to single combat. Theh. xi. 57 ft". 
Jocasta alludes to OEdipus' invocation of the furies thus : '' Xon 
ego te contra Stygiis feralia sanxi vota dels, caeco nee Erinyas 
ore rogavi." Theb. xi. 344 f. Cf. v. 66 " Tartareas . . . 
sorores '' ; iv. 53 " Stygias . . . Eumenidas," Ovid IL xi. 103 ; 
" Erinyes atrae " ; M. viii. 481 " ' Poenarumque deae triplices, 
furialibus ' inquit ' Eumenides, sacris vultus advertite vestros.' " 

" Thou cruel ilars eek, fader to Quiryne " ( iv. 25 ) . 

According to Carter (Epitheta), Mars is nowhere called crudeUs 
hj the Latin poets ; Statins, however, terms him saevus, Theh. 
VII. 703. Cf. Ovid M. xv. 862 "^ genitorque Quirine urbis, 
et invicti Gradive Quirini.'^ Chaucer uses the Latin vocative 
for his form of the name Quirinus, which he probably took 
from Ovid. 

" Right as the toilde bole biginneth springe 
Now here, now there, y-darted to the herte, 
And of his deeth roreth in eompleyninge ..." (iv. 239-41). 

When Eteocles was sacrificing to Jove " ferus ante ictum spumis 
delubra cruentat Taurus et obstantum mediis e coetibus exit 
Turbidus insanoque ferens altaria cornu " (Theh. xi. 228-30). 
Chaucer's figure is taken from the Filostrato v. 23, where the 
bull is not sacrificial, but one running wild in the forest. Cf. 
Dante Inf. xir. 22 and Vergil Aen. ii. 223: Qualis mugitus 
fugit cum saucius aram Taurus et incertam excussit cervice 
securim. 

" I, coinhre-icorld, that may of no-thing serve, 
But ever dye, and never fully sterve" (iv. 279 f.). 

These lines may be reminiscent of the living death of CEdipus 
several times referred to by Statins (Theh. i. 48) : '' CEdipodes 
longaque animam suh morte tenehat.''^ Cf. iv. 614 " lacet illc 
in funere longo, 

Queui freniis, et ianctae sentit confinia mortis, 
Obsitus exhaustos paedore et sangTiine vultus 



14 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Eiectusque die: sors leto durior 07nni." 
XI. 580 " At genitor sceleris comperto fine profundis 
Erupit tenebris, saevoque in limine profert 
Mortem imperfectam." 

XI. 696 " An refert, quo funera longa measque 

Transportem tenebras? ne non gens cuncta precanti 
Concedat, patriae quantum miser incubo terrae? " 

A little later in his complaint Troilus again thinks of himself 
as a second ffidipus (iv. 299) : — 

" Ne never wil I seen it shyne or reyne ; 
But ende I wil, as Edippe in derlcnesse 
My sorwful lyf, and dyen in distresse." 

See the passages quoted above in which CEdipus' self-inflicted 
blindness is termed tenehrae; cf. i. 46 : 

" Impia iam merita scrutatus limina dextra 
Merserat aeterna damnatum node pudorem 
(Edipodes longaque animam sub morte tenebat 
Ilium indulgentem tenebris imaequc recessu 
Sedis inauspectos caelo radiisque penatis 
Servantem tamen adsiduis circumvolat alis 
Saeva dies animi." 

Cf. further i. 71, 236-41; vii. 469; xi. 105, 333, 345, 504, 
585, 614, 620 f., 668, 674, 692 f. 

Yet in the feld of pitee out of peyne, 

That hight Elysos, shul we been y-fere (iv. 789 f.). 

The phrase " out of peyne " might have been suggested by 
securi Elysii (Theh. viii. 14) ; and pios (iv. 481) may explain 
" field of pitee " : " tu separe coetu Elysios, Persei pios virgaque 
potenti nubilus Areas agat, " the words of Tiresias imploring- 
Hecate to conduct the Manes to the upper world. Statins in 
his apostrophe to Amphiaraus says (viii. 193) : 

" An tibi felices liicos miseratus Averni 
Rector et Elysias dedit inservare volucrea ? " 



The Influence of Statiiis upon Chaucer. 15 

Cf . further Theb. in. 247, iv. 520, viii. 775, xi. 64 ; Val. Flac. 
I. 649. However, in view of the foUowang reference to Or- 
pheus, Chaucer's form Elysos is best considered as due to 
Vergil G. I. 38, Elysios campos, as Skeat suggests. Cf. Corp. 
Gloss. V. 289, 14; Augustine, De Civ. Dei, x. 30; xxi. 27, 
25 ; Cassiod. Variae ii. 40, 7 ; Tibullus i. 3, 58 ; Claudian, 
De Cons. Stil. ii. 378; Dante, Par. xv. 25-7. 

" So that his sowle her sowle folwen might, 
Ther-as the doom of Mynos wolde it dighte " (iv. 1187 f. ).' 

When Pluto was contemplating a terrible punishment for 
Amphiaraus because he did not enter his realm in the pre- 
scribed fashion, the seer said no blame attached to him and 
appealed to Minos who can discern the truth by means of his 
urn, and so determine the just estate of departed spirits (Theh. 
VIII. 102) '' Scit iudicis urna Dictaei verumque potest defendere 
Minos." Cf. XI. 571 " Si modo Agenorei stat Gnosia iudicis 
urna Qua reges punire datur " ; iv. 530 " Arbiter hos dura 
versat Cortynius urna Vera minis poscens adigitque expromere 
vitas Usque retro et tandem poenarum lucra fateri." Lewis 
refers to Verg. Aen. vi. 432 f., cf. L. of G. W. 1886 where 
the '' iuge infernal " is confused with Minos II., father of 
Ariadne. 

Criseyde's blasphemous utterances regarding Apollo and the 
Delphic oracle are similar to those of Capaneus, saperum con- 
temptor (ix. 550), who in turn, finds a prototype in Virgil's 
Mezentius {Aen. vii. 648 and viii. 7). Criseyde is telling 
Troilus of her various schemes for keeping her promise to re- 
turn to him, and says she will appeal to her father's desyr 
of gold by asking him to allow her to return to Troy and send 
him her personal property. If he objects to her return to a 
doomed citv, she will convince him that the oracle foretellinsr 
the destruction of Troy was not worth three hawes and that 
gods are only an invention of man's fear. 

rv. 1397 " For al Apollo, or his clerkish laives 

Or calculing avayleth nought three hawes. . . . 
1401 And if he wold ought by his sort it preve 



16 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

If that I lye, in certayn I shal fonde 
Distorben him, and plukke him by the sleeve, 
Making his sort, and beren him on honde. 
He hath not wel the goddes understonde. 
For goddes speken in amphibology es, 
And, for a sooth, they tellen twenty lyes. 
Eeh drede fond first goddes, I suppose, 
Thus shal I seyn, and that his coward herte 
Made him amis the goddes texte to glose. 
Whan he for ferde out of his Delphos sterte." 

As the Filostrato has no corresponding lines, this trait of Cre- 
seyde's character may have been suggested by Statins' portrayal 
of Capaneus. Cf. Theb. iii. Oil " J^on si ipse cavo sub 
vertice Cirrhae (quisquis is est, timidis famaeque ita visus) 
Apollo Mugiat insano penitus seclusus in antro, Expectare 
qucam, dum pallida virgo tremendas Nuntiet ambages. Virtus 
mihi numen et ensis Quern teneo ! lainque hie timida cam 
fraude sacerdos Exeat, aut hodie, volucrum cjuae tanta potestas, 
Experiar." iii. 648 " Tuus O furor auguret uni Ista tibi, ut 
servus vacnos ingiorius annos Et tua non umquam Tyrrhenus 
tenipora circum Clangor eat." iii. 657 "'Tua prosus inani Verba 
polo causas abstrusaque nomina reruni Eliciunt? Miseret su- 
peruni, si carmina curae Huraanaeque preces! Quid inertia 
pectora terres? Primus in orbe deos fecit timorl " iii. QQ6 
" Procul haec tibi mollis infula terrificique aberit dementia 
Phoebi." 

Skeat says lines 1401-14 are due to a passage in Guido ; and 
in his Introd. (ii. p. Ivii), he quotes the passage from Book 
XIX : " Sane deceperunt te Apollinis frivola responsa, a quo 
dicis te suscepisse mandatum ut tu paternas Lares desereres, et 
tuos in tanta acerbitate Penates sic tuis specialiter hostibus 
adhereres. Sane non fuit ille dens Apollo, set, puto, fuit 
comitiva infernalium Furiarum a quibus responsa talia rece- 
pisti." The only expression that could have suggested Cri- 
seyde's irreverence is fiivola responsa. There is no suggestion 
that the cowardice of Calchas caused him to misinterpret the 
oracle. Capaneus, however, charges Amphiaraus with coward- 
ice and dishonesty: '' lamqne hie timida cum fraude sacerdos 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 17 

exeat." Moreover, " Eek drede fond first goddes " is a trans- 
lation of " primus in orbe deus fecit timor." ^ Chaucer has 
transferred to Calchas a weakness which in Statius is attributed 
to another seer of Apollo, and has made Criseyde a contemptrix 
divum after the model of Capaneus. In these lines, we have 
a good illustration of Chaucer's method of recasting the char- 
acters of his source by adding striking traits of similar characters 
described by some other author. Cf. Theh. x. 485, 847; and 
see Lounsbury {Studies in Chaucer ii. 501) and Macaulay's 
note on Gower (C. A. i. 1980). 

" Stix, the put of helle " (iv. 1540). The mediaeval and 
particularly the Dantesque notion of hell has induced Chaucer 
to modify the classical conception. That this is the case is 
indicated by the gloss " Styx, puteus infernalis," which may 

* " Primus in orbe deos fecit timor " is the poetic expression of what 
was probably a famous sententia of the rhetorical schools. In fact Pe- 
tronius had previously written a poetical suasoria of 13 hexameters for 
which these words are the text. (Fragm. xxvii.) : 

" primus in orbe deos fecit timor, ardua caelo 
fulmina cum caderent discussaque moenia flammis 
atque ictus flagraret Athos, mox Phoebus ad ortus 
lustrata devectus humo lunaeque senectus 
et reparatus honos, hinc signa effusa per orbem 
et permutatus disiunctis mensibus annus, 
profecit vitium iamque error iussit inanis 
agricolas primos Cereri dare messis honores, 
palmitibus plenis Bacchum vincire, Palemque 
pastorum gaudere manu. Natat obrutus omnis 
Neptunus demersus aqua, Pallasque tabernas 
A'indicat. et voti reus et qui vendidit orbem, 
iam sibi quisque deos avido certamine fingit." 

Lucretius too preaches on this text; cf. i. 151-4; v. 1161-68, 1218-40. 
Cf. further Fulgentius, Mythologicon i. 1. This rhetorical commonplace 
must have been turned to account by still other authors. A variant 
expression of the same opinion is Lucan's "quae finxere timent " (i. 486). 
Cf. Verg. Aen. vii. 59 " Laurus erat tecti medio in penetralibus altis 
Sacra comam, multosque metu servata per annos." Juvenal x. 365: 
" nullum numen habes si sit prudentia, nos te, nos facimus, Fortuna, deam 
caeloque locamus." See De la Ville de Mirmont in Le Musee Beige, 1904, 
p. 402. 

2 



18 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

have proceeded from Chaucer himself, in ms. Harl. 2392 
(Skeat II. p. Ixii). Cf. also C. T., A. 1225 f. 

" Now is me shape eternally to dvvelle 

Noght in purgatorie, but in helle; " 
'* The cave was also as derk 

As helle pit over-al aboute " {B. D. 170); 
" With Pluto king as depe been in helle 

As Tantalus!" {Troil. ill. 592); " swalow of helle" 
(L. of G. W. 1104). 

Dante, whom Chaucer regarded as an authority on the lower 
world {H. F. 450), represents the Styx as a marsh in the 
Fifth Circle of Inferno. Canto vii. 106 ff. is translated thus 
by Longfellow: 

" A marsh it makes, which has the name of Styx, 
This tristful brooklet, when it has descended 
Down to the foot of the malign gray shores. 
And I, who stood intent upon beholding, 
Saw people mud-bespreynt in that lagoon." 

Though Statius represents the Styx as a river (iv. 524), 
" Styx discretis interflua manibus obstat," yet certain passages 
seem to foreshadow the Dantesque notion. Mars promises 
Venus that he will be partial to Harmonia's descendants in 
conducting the war : " Rather than forget my relation to the 
Thebans, prius in patrui deus infera mergar Stagna et pallentes 
agar exarmatus ad umbras" (iii. 302). When the manes are 
summoned by Tiresias, Cadmus rises from a lake (iv. 553) : 
" Primus sanguineo submittit inertia Cadmus Ora lacu," Ca- 
paneus cherished a distinguished shade on Stygian waters (xi. 
70) : " Coetu Capaneus laudatur ab omni Ditis et insignem 
Stygiis fovet amnibus umbram." Agave pursues Pentheus; 
but " fugit ille per avia Lethes Et Stygios super usque lacus ubi 
niitior ilium Flet pater et lacerum componit corpus Echion " 
(iv. 567). Tisiphone is addressed as queen of the seething 
whirlpool, " regina barathri " (i. 85). Cf. " putte of helle" 
in Chaucer's version of Boethius (iii. Metre 12). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 19 

" And this on every god celestial 
I swere it yow, and eek on eche goddesse- 
On every 'Nymph and deite infernal, 
On Satiry and Fauny more and lesse 
That halve goddes been of wildernessse " (TV. 1541-5). 

Cf. Theb. IV. 683 " Undarum vocat ille deas mediusque silentum 
Incipit : ' agrestes fluviorum numina Nymphae ' " ; vi. 88 
" Nymphas etiam mutasse superstes Faunorum greges " ; vi. 
105 " Semideumque pecus, migrantibus adgemit illis Silva, nee 
amplexae dimittunt robora Nymphae "; i. 205 " turbe vagorum 
semideum." 

" And Attropos my tbreed of lyf to-breste " (iv. 1546) ; 
Theh. VIII. 11 " Quin comminus ipsa Fatorum deprensa coins, 
visoque paventes Augure tunc demum rumpehant stamina Par- 
cae." Atropos usually cuts the thread of life {Theb. v. 74). 
Chaucer sometimes intentionally perverts mythology to give a 
humorous touch. Cf. Troil. iv. 1207 " And Attropos, make 
redy thou my bere ! " 

" And thou, Simoys, that as an arwe clere, 
Thorugh Troye rennest ay downward to the see, 
Ber witnesse of this work that seyd is here, 
That thilke day that ich untrewe be 
To Troilus, myn owene herte free, 
That thou retorne hakwarde to thy icelle, 
And I with body and soule sinke in helle! " (iv. 1548-54). 

As the Filostrato has nothing corresponding to this stanza, Cri- 
seyde's implication that the Simois would sooner flow backward 
than she would prove false may have been suggested by Statins 
Theb. VIII. 553 where Tydeus says that the Inachus and Ache- 
lous will sooner flow backwards than Eteocles will allow his 
brother to escape when once in his power within the walls of 
Thebes. ISTote further that Criseyde here invites the fate of 
Amphiaraus if she should prove untrue; cf. Troil. ii. 105. 



20 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 



Troilus. Book V. 

Approchen gan the fatal destinee 
That loves hath in disposicioun, 
And to you, angry Parcas, sustren three 
Committeth, to don execucioun (v. 1). 

Jove's utterances become Fate ; " grave et inmutabile Sanctis 
Pondus adest verbis, et vocem Fata sequimtur " (Theh. i. 212). 
Jove, upon charging Mars with the conduct of the Theban v^ar, 
tells the gods that any remonstrance on their part will be use- 
less {Theh. III. 241)," sic Fata mihi nigraeque Sororum lura- 
vere coins : manet haec ab origine mundi Fixa dies hello." Jove 
and the Fates operate together {Theh. vi. 354) : " Sic lovis 
imperia et nigrae voluere Sorores. Cf. v. 736-40. 

The Parcae are often called Sorores by Statius ; cf . Theh. i. 
632, VIII. 59, IX. 323; also Troil. in. 733 "fatal sustren." 
Among the epithets of the Parcae used by the Latin poets, 
immites, Theh. vii. 774, is perhaps nearest to Chaucer's epithet 
angry. See Carter, Epitheta. 

" The golden-tressed Phebus heighe on-lofte 
Thryes hadde alle with his hemes shene 
The snowes molte " (v. 8-10). 

Skeat notes that ms. Harl. 3943 has Auricomus tressed. 
This tautologous reading is sufRcient proof that golden-tressed 
is Chaucer's translation of auricomus. The epithet is probably 
taken from Mart. Cap. i. 12 : " quod . . . hie {Sol) vocitetur 
auricomus. Nam Solis augustum caput radiis perfusum . . . 
velut auratam caesariem rutule verticis imitatur." Chaucer 
knew Martianus Capella at first hand and refers to him as one 
who described " hevenes region " {H. F. 985 if.). He is again 
referred to C. T., E. 1732. The only other pasages in which 
Latin authors use auricomus to mean golden-tressed are Val. Fl. 
IV. 92 " auricomis . . . Horis," and Sil. Ital. in. 608 " auri- 
como Batavo." ^ Variant expressions of Chaucer's metaphor 

* See Miinscher s. v. in Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 



21 



are " riitilam comam " (Theh. in. 408) and " fuderat in terras 
roseum iubar igniconius sol " (luvencus, EvangeUa in. 1). 

" To bedde he goth, and weyleth there and torneth 
In furie, as dooth he, Ixion, in helle " (v. 211 f.). 
Theb. \ni. 50 "Cur autem avidis Ixiona frango Verticibus?" 

" On hevene yet the sterres loere sene. 
Altliough fill pale y-ioaxen loas the mone; 
And whyten gan the orisonte shene 
Al estward, as it woned is to done. 
And Phebus with his rosy carte sone 
Gan after that to dresse him up to fare" (v. 274-279). 

As there are no parallel lines in the Filostrato, Statins maj be 
the source, Theh. xii. 1 : " Noiidum cuncta polo vigil inclina- 
verat astra Ortus et instantem cornu tenuiore videhat Luna diem, 
trepidas ubi iam Tithonia nubes Discntit ac reduci magnum 
parat aethera Phoeho.^' Cf. also "roseum Titana " (i. 717). 
In as much as the Filostrato contains no corresponding lines, 
one may suspect that Troilus' mind reverted sadly to the famous 
pyre and funeral games of Archemorus when he said to Pan- 
darus (v. 302) : 

" But of the fyr and flaumbe funeral 
In whiche my body brenne shal to glede, 
And of the feste and pleyes palestral 
At my vigile, I pray thee take good hede 
That al be wel." 

Chaucer elsewhere (v. 1499) divides the 6th book of the 
Thebaid into two parts : " Archimoris buryinge," i. e. " fyr and 
flaumbe funeral" (Theh. vi. 1-226), and "the pleyes" (Theh. 
VI. 227 ff.). See Skeat's note to v. 304. 

" The poudre in which myn hert« y-brend shal torne, 
That preye I thee thou take and it conserve 
In a vessel, that men clepeth an urne " ( v. 309 ) . 

This last request which Troilus makes of his friend is similar 
to that which Polynices makes of his father-in-law before going 



22 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

to fight the duel with his brother {Theh. xi. 190) : " Sis lenis 
cineri, meque haec post proelia rap turn Alitibus fratrique tegas 
urnamque reportes." Cf. also vi. 117 f. and ix. 11. 

" The owle eek which that hight Ascaphilo,* 
Hath after me shright alle thise nightes two" (v. 318 f. ). 

" And treweliche eek augurie of thise foules. . . . 
As ravenes qualm, or shryking of thise oules " (v. 380). 

" The owle al night aboute the balkes wond, 
That prophet is of wo and of mischaunce " (Legend 2253 f. ) . 

"The oule eek, that of dethe the bode bringeth " (Pcurl. 343). 

When Amphiarus and Melampus were upon Mt. Apesas taking 
omens prophetic of the outcome of the Theban war, the heavens 
were filled with birds of ill omen (Theh. iii. 510) : " Monstra 
volant, dirae stridunt in nube volucres iN'octurnaeque gemunt 
striges et feralia bubo Damna canens." Lactantius comment- 
ing on huho gives his version of the story, according to which 
Proserpine's mother metamorphosed Ascalaphus : " Indignata 
Ceres convertit Ascalaphum in bubonem." He adds further: 
*' Quam sit f erale bubonis augTirium, testis est poeta Virgilius : 
* solaque culminibus ferali carmine bubo.' " See Aen. iv. 462. 
A close parallel to the lines quoted from the Legend of Good 
Women is Ovid M. vi. 431 " tectoque prof anus Incubuit bubo 
thalamique in culmine sedit." 

During his ten days' anxiety while waiting for Criseyde's 
promised return from the Greek camp, Troilus tried the virtue 
of a prayer to Cupid. He prayed him to send her to Troy 
again and not to be so cruel to the blood of Troy 

" As Juno was un-to the blood Tkeiane 
For which the folk of Thebes caughte hir bane" (v. 601-2). 

In the Thehaid Juno is always inimical to Thebes as she is to 

* Ascalaphus, son of Acheron and Orphne, was metamorphosed into an 
ill boding owl [hubo) by Proserpine because he informed Pluto that she 
had forfeited her right to return to the upper world by eating some- 
thing while in his realms. The story is told by Ovid M. v. 533-550; cf. 
especially 549 f. " Foeda fit volucris, venturi nuntia luctus Ignavus bubo, 
dirum mortal ibus omen." 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 23 

Troy in the Aeneid. Her anger was roused against Thebes be- 
cause of Jove's relations with Semele and Alcmene. Cf. Theh. 
I. 12 " Unde graves irae cognata in moenia Baccho, Quod saevae 
lononis opus." '' Illam odimus urbem quam vultu confessus 
adis, ubi conscia magni Signa tori tonitrus agis et mea fulmina 
torques/' says Juno (i. 256). Her wrath was especially bane- 
ful on several occasions. She sent Iris to command Somnus 
to steep the Thebans in forgetfulness, and then incited Tiresias 
to lead a host against them while in their stupor (Theh. x. 81, 
126, 162, 282). She gave the wives of the dead chieftains 
favor in the eyes of Theseus and the Athenians with the result 
that he led his army against Thebes (xii. 291-464). 
Chaucer seems to have followed Dante, Inf. xxx. 1 ; 

" Nel tempo che Giunone era crucciata 
Per Semelfe contra il sangue tebano 
Come mostrO una ed altra fiata " . . . . 

Juno's hatred of Thebes is often alluded to by Boccaccio; 
cf. Tes. III. 1, IV. 14, 16, IT, v. 56, 58, ix. 44, x. 39, 94, 
XII. 26. 

" Y-wis, me dredeth ever-mo, 
The sonnes sone, Pheton, be on-lyve, 
And that his fadres cart amis he dryve " (v. 662-4). 

Cf. the words of Jove (Theh. i. 219): " Atque adeo tuleram 
falso rectore solutos 8olis equos caelumque rotis errantihus uH, 
et Phaethontea mundum squalere favilla " ; vi. 298 : " Sic ignea 
lora Cum daret et rapido Sol natum imponeret axi." H. F. 
941-56 shows that Chaucer was familiar with the story as told 
by Ovid M. ii. 32. 

" Swich wreche on hem, for feeching of Eleyne, 
Ther shal be take, er that we hennes wende 
That Manes, which that goddes ben of peyne 
Shal been agast that Grekes wol hem shende " (v. 890-93). 

Skeat refers to Verg. Aen. vi. 743 and Stat. Theh. viii. 84 
where Manes means supplicia; see Harpers' Lat. Did. But 



24 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

this is not the sense in which Chaucer uses the word. It here 
means " departed spirits," as in the expression " Dis Manibus " 
of sepulchral inscriptions. The dftparted spirits of the Trojans 
whom the Greeks slav shall fear to take vengeance on their 
slayers, so horrible will be the death inflicted. 

The notion that the Manes torment those who have caused 
violent death is several times expressed by Statius. Maeon, 
priest of Apollo, and sole survivor of the fifty warriors sent 
against Tydeus, in his denunciation of Eteocles says {Theh. 
III. 75) : . . . " te diro horrore volantes Quinquaginta animae 
circum noctesque diesque Adsilient ; neque enim ipse moror." 
When Tiresias summoned the Manes from Avernus in order 
that they might foretell the event of the Theban war, Laius 
came breathing out hatred even against the son of his murderer 
(iv. 606), " dirumque tuens obliqua nepotem . . . Immortale 
odium spirans." Tiresias assures the angry shade that (Edipus 
is suffering for his crimes (614) " lacet ille in funere longo 
Quem fremis." When Polyxo slew her son, and the Lemnian 
women pledged themselves to kill every male on the island, 
the shade flitted around the mother while they performed the 
horrible rite, " Matremque recens circumvolat umbra " (v. 163). 
The Manes of the husbands of the Lemnian women hover about 
the roofs of the desolate homes (v. 312) " Saevi spirant per 
culmina manes." The shrilling ghosts of the slain follow the 
car of Amphiaraus in its terrible course of slaughter while 
Phoebus as charioteer aids his priest in making his last hours 
glorious (vii. 770), "strident animae currumque sequuntur." 
Cf. further: Theh. ix. 298, xi. 623, xii. 55, Verg. Aen. iv. 
386, Lucan De Bel. Civ. ix. 17, Juv. xv. 105. 

" And but-if Calkas lede us with ambages, 
That is to seyne, with double wordes slye, 
Swich as men clepe a word with two visages "... (v. 897-9). 

Oracular responses were regularly ambages: ^ Theh. i. 495 

' Though the Delphic priests kept themselves well informed and weighed 
probabilities to a nicety, they could not in many cases forecast events ; 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 25 

"(Adrastus) sensit manifesto niimine ductos Adfore, qiios nexis 
ambagibus augur Apollo Portendi generos, vultu fallente fera- 
rum Ediderat " (cf. i. 396 f.) ; in. 614 '' diim pallida virgo tre- 
mendas jSTimtiet ambages." So also in Laiiis when predicting the 
event of the Theban war " flexa dubios ambage relinquit" (iv. 
645). The riddle propounded by the Sphinx was made up of 
such ambiguous words (i. 66 f.), " si Sphingos iniquae Callidus 
ambages te praemonstrante resolvi." Chaucer uses the Latin 
form at the suggestion of Boccaccio; cf. ambage, FiJostrato 
VI. 17. Chaucer's sjTionym {Troil. iv. 1405) is amphihologyes. 

"As help me Pallas with her heres clere" (v. 999). 

Flavus is the Latin adjective descriptive of the color of Pallas' 
hair, Theh. iii. 507 '' flavae . . . Minervae " ; cf. Ovid. A. 1, 1, 
7-8 ; M. 2, 749 ; 8, 275 ; F. 6, 652 ; Tr. 1, 10, 1. 

The laurer-crouned Phebus, with his hete, 
Gan, in his course ay upward as he wente, 
To warmen of the est see the wawes wete " (v. 1107-9). 

Cf. Theh. VII. 470 " lam gelidam Phoeben et caligantia pri- 

therefore they couched the sibyl's oracular utterances in hexameters that 
were notably ambigious. Such oracular responses, intended to fit the 
event in any case, were called ambages, less frequently amphibologiae or 
amphihoUae. A stock example is that given by Isodorus, Orig. i. 33, 13: 
" Amphibologia, ambigua dictio . . . ut illud responsum Apollinis ad 
Pyrrhum : 

' Aio te, Aeacida, Romanos vincere posse.' 

In quo non est certum, quem in ipso versu monstraverat esse victorem." 
Char. Gramm. i. 271, 26: " Amphibolia est . . . sententia . . . dubiae 
significationis . . . ut 

' Aio te, Aeacida, Romanos vincere posse.' 

Ambigua enim sors fuit ante eventum utrum Pyrrhus a Romanis an 
Romani a Pyrrho vinci possent." Mart. Capell. i. 9 : ..." in fanis quibus 
vaticinia obliquis fundebantur ambagibus." Seneca, Oed. 214: "Ambage 
flexa Delphico mos est deo arcana tegere." Cf. further: Verg. Aen. vi. 99; 
Ovid, Fast. iv. 261; iv. 668; Tac. Ann. n. 54; Prud. Symm. ii. 893; Amm. 
Marc. 23. 5; Cic. Div. ii. 116, 



26 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

mils Plauserat astra dies, cmn iam tumet igne futuro Oceanus 
lateque novo Titane reclusum Aequor anhelantum radlis suhsidit 
equorum.'^ 

After Troilus' " swete fo " Criseyde had been given to the 
Greeks in exchange for Antenor and had failed to return to 
Troj within ten days as she had promised to do, Troilus had 
a dream in which he saw Criseyde fondled by a boar, v. 1238 f. ; 

" He mette he saugh a boar with tuskes grete 
That sleep ayein the brighte sonnes hete." 

The Calydonian boar whose spoils were worn by Tydeus, the 
representative of the royal house of Calydon, is several times re- 
ferred to in the Thehaid: — " terribiles . . . dente recurvo . . . 
exuviae, Calydonis honos " (i. 488); " Oeneae vindex sic ille 
Dianae erectus saetis et aduncae fulmine malae " (ii. 469 f.). 
I^aturally, tusks are prominently mentioned in descriptions of 
wild boars; cf. Theh. xi. 532 and Ovid M. viii. 288. 

Cassandra, who interpreted the dream, said the boar be- 
tokened Diomed ; and took the opportunity of giving an outline 
of the Thehaid in which Tydeus, father of Diomed, plays so 
prominent a part (v. 1485) : — 

" She tolde eek how Tydeus, er she stents, 
Unto the stronge citee of Thebes, 
To cleyme kingdom of the citee, wente. 
For his f el awe, daun Polymites 
Of which the brother, daiin Ethyocles, 
Ful wrongfully of Thebes held the strengthe; 
This tolde she by proces, al by lengthe. 

She tolde eek how Hemonides asterte, 
Whan Tydeus slough fifty knightes stoute, 
She tolde eek al the prophesyes by herte. 
And how that sevene kinges with her route, 
Bisegeden the citee al aboute; 
And of the holy serpent and the welle, 
And of the furies, al she gan him telle. 
Of Archimoris buryinge and the pleyes. 
And how Amphiorax fil through the grounde. 
How Tydeus was slayn, lord of Argeye= 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 27 

And how Ypomedoiin in litel stounde 

Was dreynt, and deed Partlionope of wounde; 

And also how Cappaneus the proude 

With thonder-dint was slayn, that cryde loude. 

She gan eek telle him how that either bi'other, 

Ethyocles and Polmite also, 

At a scarmyche, eche of hem slough other, 

And of Argyves wepinge and her wo; 

And how the town was brent she told eek tho. 

And so descendeth doun from gestes olde 

To Diomede, and thus she spak and tolde. 

' This ilke boor bitokneth Diomede, 
Tydeus sone, that doun descended is 
Fro Meleagre, that made the boor to blede. 
And thy lady, wher-so she be, y-wis, 
This Diomede hir herte hath, and she his. 
Weep if thou wolt, or leef; for out of doute, 
This Diomede is inne, and thou are oute.' " 

Such a comprehensive outline as this could have been made only 
by one who was familiar with the Thehaid. The Latin argu- 
ment of twelve lines which is inserted in the mss, after line 
1498 could have served as a guide; but is not a sufficient basis 
for Chaucer's outline. 

11. 1485-91 : When Eteocles and Polynices gained possession 
of the Theban kingdom, they so shamefully insulted their blind 
father (Theb. i. 239 Calcavere oculos) that he cursed them and 
called upon Tisiphone to punish them by causing them to war 
against each other (i. 55-86). In answer to his prayer, the 
Fury inspired envy and hatred in the breasts of the brothers 
(i. 123). Being unable to rule jointly, they agreed to rule and 
suffer exile by turns for one year at a time (i. 137). The 
first year of rule fell to Eteocles by lot; and Polynices accord- 
ingly went into exile (i. 164 ff.). Jove, who also had been 
invoked by (Edipus, took part in avenging the father by giving 
Polynices Adrastus as his father-in-law (i. 235). Moreover, 
Cyllenius was sent to conduct Laius to the upper world that he 
might induce Eteocles to usurp the Theban throne (i. 293). 

Tydeus and Polynices were fellows by virtue of a formal 



28 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

treaty of friendship (ii. 195). Besides they married the sisters 
Deipyle and Argia, the daughters of king Adrastus. Elsewhere 
a felawe is a sworn friend whose fidelity is equal to any sacri- 
fice, and here also Chaucer no doubt intended the word to convey 
this pregnant meaning and may have had in mind Stat. Theh. i. 
468-77 where the friendship of Tydeus and Polynices is com- 
pared to that of Theseus and Pirithous or of Orestes and 
Pylades.^ 

Polynices in his lament over the dead body of his friend, 
speaks thus of Tydeus' great love for him {Theh. ix. 65) : 
" Quin etiam Thehas me propter et impia fratris Tecta libens 
unde haut alius remeasset, adisti, ceu tibimet sceptra et pro- 
prios laturus honores. lam Telemona pium, iam Thesea fama 
tacebat." 

Tydeus' embassy to Thebes in behalf of Polynices is described 
Theh. II. 370 ff. He arrived at the city, and gained audience 
of Eteocles; but the insolent king replied that he would keep 
the sceptre (ii. 428). Tydeus defied the usurper, promised 
him war, and started on his return to Argos. 

11. 1492-98 : Eteocles, seeking to be revenged upon the de- 
fiant ambassador, dispatched fifty picked warriors to waylay 
him {Theh. ii. 482). But when the attack was made, valiant 
Tydeus took up a position of advantage on the cliff where the 
Sphinx formerly dwelt ; and slew all of his assailants except 
Haemonides (ii. 555-692). Him Tydeus sent to the Theban king 
to report the slaughter of his knights. Thus Tydeus slew forty- 
nine warriors; but Chaucer, after the manner of classical 

^ Lactantius in his note to the Theh. I. 476 speaks of friendship between 
legendary heroes : " Thesea Pirithoo hanc talem fidem vult esse qualem 
colebat antiquitas. Quattuor namqiie amicitiarum exempla fuisse certis- 
simum est: Thesei et Pirithoi, Orestis et Pyladis, Achilles et Patrocli, 
Tydei et Polynicis. Tydeus vero causa Polynicis pergit ad Thehas ibique 
dimicans periit." Cf. Ovid Trist. i. 5, 19-24, i. 9, 27-34; Pont. ii. 3, 41-45. 
Chaucer was much impressed with the friendship idea; and in fact portrays 
another pair of felawes in Pandarus and Troilus; cf. particularly Troil. 
I. 696. A third pair, who broke the pact, were Palemon and Arcite; cf. 
C. T., A. 1129-51 and 1191-1200, and see Skeat's note to 1132. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 29 

writers, gives the round number fifty. So Tydeus boasts that 
he slew fifty single-handed (viii. 666). Cf. iii. 362 " ipse 
ego fessus quinquaginta illis heroum immanibus umbris." ^ 

The prophecies which Cassandra repeated may have been 
those of Maeon, Amphiaraus, and Tiresias. Maeon who 
is called vates says to Eteocles (iii. 71) : "Murderous man, in 
your eagerness to banish laws and proudly reign though your 
brother be an exile, you have begun an impious war, and have 
prepared an army which omens forbade." 

At Argos, the priest of Apollo, Amphiaraus, when taunted 
by Capaneus, makes known the fatal issue of the war (iii. 640) : 
" I saw portents of utter ruin, saw the fears of gods and men, 
saw Megaera in fiendish glee and Lachesis making void the age 
by twisting brittle life-threads. Put aside arms ! See, the 
deity stands opposed to raving men! Behold the god! O 
wretched men, why seems it beautiful to dye with blood Aonia 
and the portentous Theban plain? But why do I strive to 
avert what has been decreed by fate? We are doomed to 
go-" 

On the side of the Thebans the seer Tiresias consults the 
shades and obtains from Laius this disclosure of events to come 
(iv. 637) : " War, war shall come and an innumerable host 
thronging on every side. Mars goads Lerna's fated sons to 
battle. Earthquake and thunderbolt await some; for others 
remain glorious death and delay of funeral fire by impious de- 
cree. iSTever fear; Thebes shall have the victory. The cruel 
brother shall not obtain the kingdom. But, Ah me! the heart- 
less father shall have the answer to his prayer through Furies' 
aid and crime of brothers and guilty swords." 

The Seven against Thebes were Adrastus (iv. 38), Poly- 
nices (iv. 74), Tydeus (iv. 93), Hippomedon (iv, 116 if.)', 

' Skeat (II. p. 501) in his outline of the Thehaid strangely remarks that 
Tydeus escapes an ambush on his way (to Thebes), and returns to Argos 
instead of proceeding to Thebes. His note, if not due to a misunder- 
standing, is unfortunately worded. As stated above, Tydeus was assailed 
by the fifty while on his return journey. 



30 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Capaneus (iv. 165), Amphiaraus (iv. 187), Parthenopaeus (iv. 
246). Their assembling hosts are described, Theh. iv. 1-308. 

During the march to Thebes, the Argive host suffered greatly 
from thirst (iv. 723) because the water-nymphs had, at the 
request of Bacchus, caused all streams except the Langia to go 
dry (iv. 684). To this river, Hypsipyle, daughter of the 
Lemnian king, guided the thirsty legions (iv. 715). While 
performing this service, she left her charge,^ the babe Arche- 
morus, lying on the turf (iv. 777). But during her absence 
a serpent sacred to Jove stung the child to death (v. 511, 538). 

Adrastus' gratitude aroused interest in the fair guide, and 
he requested Hypsipyle to tell something of her history (v. 20). 
Complying with his request, she told him that she was the 
daughter of Thoas, sometime king of Lemnos. The story of 
her life, like that of Aeneas' life, was closely connected with a 
great event. She described the awful night in which the Lem- 
nian women, incited by Venus and the Furies, set about aveng- 
ing neglect by slaying the males in the island. Hypsipyle 
piously concealed her father and helped him to escape. The 
Lemnian women, believing she had slain her father, chose her 
as their queen; but they later learned of the rescue and com- 
pelled her to flee to save her life. She was captured by a band 
of i^irates and sold as a slave to Lycurgus (v. 497). 

^ Skeat's note (Troil. v. 1499-1505) is erroneous in that he says Arche- 
morus was the infant son of Hypsipyle. According to Statius, Hypsipyle 
was only the child's nurse. His parents were Lycurgus and Eurydice. 
Cf. Theh. IV. 741 " Hypsipylen, illi quamvis et ah nhere Opheltes Non suus, 
Inachi proles infausta Lyciirgi, Dependet." Here is Hypsipyle's testimony: 
IV. 770 " altricem mandati cernitis orbam Pignoris"; v. 6.32 " Ne tristes 
dominos orhamque inimica revisam Eurydicen." Eurydice in her lament 
says: vi. 131 "Non hoe Argoliduni coetu eircumdata matrum Speravi 
te, nate, seqvi"; vi. 14C " dum deside cura Credo sinus fidos altricis et 
uhera mando. Quidni ego? narrabat servatum fraude parentem Inson- 
tesque manus." 

In the Roman de TMhes also, Archemorus is the son of Lycurgus' 
queen. Witness the words of Hypsipyle (I. 2495) : 

" La reine par est tant fiere 
Pu6s qu'el verra son fil en bi6re 
Qu'ele amot plus que nule rien, 
El m'ocirra, go sal jo bien " (cf. 2607 f.). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 31 

furies (1. 1498) is a clear reference to Hypsipyle's story 
of the infuriated women of Lemnos. The word may be 
Chaucer's rendering of furiae, the insane fury of the women 
which prompted their deed. Cf . v. 30 : — " Immania vulnera, 
rector Integrare iubes, Furias et Lemnon et artis Arma inserta 
toris debeltatosque pudendo Ense mares"; v. 298 " Patuere 
furores Nocturni " ; v. 454 " Cineres furiasque meorum testor " ; 
VI. 143 " En quam ferale putemus Abiurasse sacrum et Lemni 
gentilibus unam Immunem furiis '" ; v. 350 " Heu ubi nunc 
furiae ? " 

The entire sixth book of the Thehaid is taken up with a 
description of the burial rites of Archemorus and the funeral 
games in his honor. This book is the ultimate source for the 
burial rites of Arcite as described in the Knightes Tale. 

Amphiaraus, priest of Apollo, aided by his patron god, was 
inflicting terrible slaughter upon the Theban host, when sud- 
denly the earth yawned, and he fell through the cleft into 
Tartarus (vii. 794). His sudden arrival in his war-chariot 
created great consternation in Plitto's realm (viii. Iff.). 

Tydeus, who led the troops from Aetolia, his native land, 
is portrayed by Statins as the most doughty warrior of the 
Seven. He was slain by Melanippus and in turn slew his 
enemy (viii. 716 ff.). While in the death agony, he demanded 
that the head of Melanippus be brought ; and, at the instigation 
of Tisiphone, died gnawing it (viii. 739, 760). In consequence 
of this savagery, Pallas could not carry out her design to stellify 
her favorite. 

Hippomedon proved a terrible avenger of Tydeus, and drove 
the Thebans into the river Ismenos where he slew a great number 
of them (ix. 222). The river god, angered at the slaughter 
of his grandson Crenaeus, rose in such a torrent that the hero 
was overwhelmed in crossing and almost drowned (ix. 315, 
455, 521). But Jove repressed the flood and Hippomedon 
gained the bank. However, he was so weakened that he fell 
an easy victim to the spears of the enemy (ix. 526). 

Youthful Parthenopaeus, son of Atalanta, had joined the 



32 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Theban expedition against his mother's will (iv. 318). Diana, 
in answer to the prayer of her apprehensive votary, went to 
Thebes to do what she could to safeguard the lad. She filled 
his quiver with deadly arrows with which he pierced the Thebans 
with unerring aim (ix. 729). But Atalanta's presentiments 
were true; for fate had decreed his death. He was wounded 
by a spear hurled by Dryas ; and died while dictating a pathetic 
message to his mother. 

Capaneus, contemptor divum (iii. 602), was struck dead 
with a thunderbolt, while scaling the walls of Thebes and chal- 
lenging Jove to battle (x. 902, 927). 

11. 1506-12. Tisiphone, w^ishing to end her Theban campaign 
with a fitting climax, summoned her sister Megaera from Ere- 
bus, and planned to incite Eteocles and Poljmices to single 
combat (xi. 168, 245). Despite the entreaties of Jocasta, 
Antigone, and Adrastus, the brothers met and fought on the 
plain outside the city walls (xi. 389). Polynices wounded 
Eteocles (xi. 540), who feigned to expire at once; but when 
PoljTiices bent over him to despoil him of his armor, Eteocles 
sheathed his sword in his brother's heart. Together they sought 
the Stygian realm to hate each other still (xi. 570). 

Chaucer no doubt refers to Argia's weeping and w^oe on the 
occasion of her midnight search for her husband Polynices on 
the battlefield at Thebes. When she found the body, " senses, 
sight, and hearing fled; and stony grief repressed her tears." 
Her wail is found xii. 322 ff. 

Chaucer's statement that Thebes was burned may have been 
taken from either the Teseide or the Roman de Thebes, but 
finds little support in the Thehaid. It is true that Statins 
mentions fire as a possibility, but he nowhere states that Thebes 
was actually burned. Jove, angry at Mars' delay in bringing 
the Argives and Thebans into conflict, sends Mercury to chide 
him. He is reproached with being slow to obey the Thun- 
derer's command to assail the walls of Thebes, though he is in 
the habit of burning cities for self-gratification (vii. 22) : " At 
si ipsi rabies ferrique insana voluptas Qua tumet, immeritas 
cineri dabit impius urbe Ferrum igiiemque ferens." 



The Inftuence of Statius upon Chaucer. 33 

When Jocasta went to the Argive camp to entreat Polynices 
not to make war upon his native city, she invited him to visit 
the dwellings which he purposed to burn (vii. 507) : " I mecum 
patriosque deos arsuraque saltern tecta vide." 

The Thebans raised such an angry shout at the slaughter 
of their sacred tigers that one who heard it would have thought 
the enemy had gained entrance to the city and applied the torch 
to its dwellings (vii. 599): " Templa putes urbemque rapi 
f acibusque nef andis / Sidonios ardere lares, sic clamor apertis / 
exoritur muris." 

Encouraged by the midnight slaughter of Thebans by Thio- 
damas and his band, the Argives made a furious assault upon 
the city (x. 528): ''Pars ad fastigia missas / exultant hae- 
sisse faces, pars ima lacessunt / scrutanturque cavas caeca testu- 
dine turres." Upon this occasion the besiegers had driven in 
a scouting party of Thebans and nearly succeeded in following 
them within the city gates, creating such consternation among 
the inhabitants that they imagined they saw fire in every 
quarter (x. 561): " Ferrum undique et ignes / mente vident." 

Tiresias, the Theban seer, seems to have feared that Thebes 
would be burned (x. 594) : ^' ' Te, tamen, infelix,' iuquit, ' per- 
ituraque Thebe, / si taceam, nequeo miser exaudire cadentem / 
Argolicumque oculis haurire vacentibus ignem.' " 

When Capaneus was scaling the walls, bearing his oak-tree 
torch (x, 843), the defenders were as much alarmed as if 
Bellona had been approaching the city with bloody torch (x. 
853) : " Turn vero attoniti fatorum in cardine summo, / ceu 
suprema lues urbi facibusque cruentis aequatura solo turres 
Bellona subiret." The burning of the city may have been 
suggested to Chaucer by all of these references in Statius. It 
is more likely, however, that his source was Boccaccio in whose 
account the Argive women took advantage of Theseus' per- 
mission to do as they pleased with the city (Tes. ii. 77), and 
burned it by way of taking vengeance for Creon's cruelty 
(Tes. II. 81) : 

"Ma prima giro in Tebe; e uon potendo 

Altra vendetta far, la giro CDrdendo." 

i 

3 



34 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Among the events affecting the life of Arcita, as portrayed 
in the temple of Juno where his ashes reposed, was seen the 
burning of Thebes by the Grecian women: 

Tes. XI. 74: "E vediensi le donne achivi gire 
Neir alte torri con diversi stuoli, 
E arder ogni cosa, poscia ch'esse 
Ebber le corpora in le fiamme messe. 
XI. 75: E quella tutta nel fuoco avvampare." 

Cf. Tes. II. 90 ; in. 1 ; iv. 12-16. 

When the Knightes Tale A. 990 is compared with the Roman 
de Thebes 10137 ff., it will appear that Chaucer could have 
taken his statement that Thebes was burned from the Old 
^French as well as from the Italian. In the Roman, Theseus 
is represented as winning the city by assault. When the Gre- 
cian women threw do\vn the wall : 

Sor la tor uns ar'oalestiers 

S'en apergiit trestoz premiers, 

Si comenga fort a huchier 

Que mont sont pr6s de I'aprochier: 
" Veez les murs escraventer 

Et ceus defers dedens entrer " ! 

Li gentiz dus, quant I'entendig, 

Dreit al pertus a fort tendie; 
" Le fou ! le fou ! " a crier piist, 

En la cite par tot le mist: 

Qui done veist les tors orever 

Et les hauz murs escraventer, 

Grant dolor en poiist aveir 

Des granz tors que veist chaeir (10123-36). 

With Thebes 10123-28, cf. Thebaid x. 489 lamque premunt 
muros . . . miseramque intrabant protinus urbem / ni Mega- 
reus specula citus exclamasset ab alta : / " Claude, vigil, subeunt 
hostes, claude undique portas ! " 

The Latin argument of the Thebaid found in the mss. of the 
Troilus after 1. 1498 was copied from some ms. of the Thebaid. 
Chaucer's spelling Argyve (1. 1509) for Argia is a strong indi- 
cation that he himself placed the Latin argument in the centre 
of his outline. The mss. spell the Latin name Argivam or 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 35 

Argyvam; and Skeat records no variation in the English form. 
Note also the similarity of the English Polymites, Hemonides, 
Archimorus Ypomedoun, Parthonope to the Latin forms. 

The Latin argument in the Troilus differs from that printed 
in the Lemaire edition of Statins (ii. 2). The variants are 
such that Chaucer's form of the argument could be used in 
identifying the very ms. of Statins from which it was copied. 
The Lemaire argument is transcribed below; and variants are 
added from the Chaucerian form: 

" Associat profugum Tydeo Primus Polynicem, 
Tydea legatum docet, insidiasque, Secundus, 
Tertius Hermonidem canit, et vates latitantes. 
Quartus habet reges, ineuntes praelia, septem, , 

Mox furiae seni Quinto narrantur, et anguis. 
Archemori bustum, Sexto, ludique leguntur, 
Dat Graios Thebis, et vatem Septimus umbris. 
Octavo, cecidit Tydeus, spes fida Pelasgis. 
Hippomedon ISlono queritur, cum Parthenopeo. 
Fulmine percussus Decimo Capaneus superatur. 
Undecimo sese periinunt per vulnera fratres. 
Argiam llentem memorat Duodenus, et ignes." ^ 

I. Tideo, Polimitem ; 2. Tidea ; 3. Tercius, Hemoniden ; 4. 
prelia ; 5. furie, Lenne for seni, narratur ; 6. Archimori ; 7. 
Thebes; 8. Tideus, vita for fida; 9. Ypomedon, moritur for 
queritur, Parthonopeo; 12. Argivam, narrat for memorat, 
ignem. 

Chaucer gives a second outline of the Thehaid in the Anelida, 

II. 50-70 and 24-42. There, however, Boccaccio's Teseide is an 
intermediary. 

In the first stanza of his envoy, Chaucer names the great 
poets whose fame he can not hope to equal ; and includes among 
them Stace, whose envoy he imitates in manner and phrase. 
In the instructions given for their journey, both poems are told 
to kiss the footsteps of illustrious works that have gone before. 

^ Ignes of 1. 12 refers to the burial pyres. It is not likely that Chaucer 
misunderstood the word and referred it to burning of the city, in view 
of his familiarity with the story itself. 



36 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Both envoys mention envy of poetry with the difference that 
in Statins the envy proceeds from others. 

" Go, litel book, go litel mjTi tragedie, 
Ther god thy maker yet, er that he dye, 
So sende might to make in some comedie! 
But litel book, no making thou nenvye, 
But subgit be to alle poesye; 
And kiss the steppes, whereas thou seest pace 
Virgile, Ovyde, Omer, Lucan, and Stace " (v. 1786-1792). 
Durabisne procul dominoque legere superstes, 
O mihi bissenos multum vigilata per annos 
Thebai ? iam certe praesens tibi Fama benignum 
Stravit iter coepitque novam monstrare futuris. 
Iam te magnanimus dignatur noscere Caesar, 
Itala iam studio discit memoratque iuventus. 
Vive, precor; nee tu divinam Aeneida tempta, 
8ed longe sequere et vestigia semper adora. 
Mox, tibi si quis adhuc praetendit nubila livor, 
Occidet, et meriti post me referentur honores " (xil. 810-19.) ^ 

In the Troilus, the direct influence of Statins is extensive. 
It is seen hoth in the form and in the content of the poem ; and 
is second in importance only to that of Boccaccio. The invo- 
cations probably, and certainly the envoy, are imitated from 
Statins; and numerous close parallels show that Chaucer was 
at this period very familiar with the Thehaid. The outline of 
it (v. 1485-1509) is comprehensive and represents first-hand 
knowledge. The manner in which Boccaccio's mere mention 
of Diomed in boar's form is seized upon by Chaucer to intro- 
duce more of the history of the illustrious line of Calydon, 
nowhere more glorious than in the feats of Tydeus, hero of the 
Thehaid, shows not only familiarity but great fondness. 



The House of Fame. 

In the House of Fame, to which Jove's eagle carried Chaucer, 
he heard all the famous trumpeters (//, F. 1243) : 

^ For typical expressions of the Roman poets concerning their works, see 
Riedner's excellent dissertation, pp. 66-76. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 37 

" Ther herde I trumpen Messenus, 
Of whom that speketh Virgilius, 
Ther herde I loab trumpe also, 
TTieodomas and other mo." 

From the Merchant's Tale E. 1720 f., it appears that Thioda- 
mas blew the trumpet at Thebes " whan the citee was in doute." 
On the day after the seer had made his midnight attack upon 
the Theban intrenchments, the Argive host assailed the city 
with renewed fury. The blare of trumpets sounded the attack, 
but Thiodamas is not mentioned in this connection (x. 553) : 
" At tuha luctificis pulsat clangoribus urbem obsaeptasque fores 
sonitu perfringit amaro." This is the only time when the city 
was in doubt after Thiodamus became chief soothsayer to the 
Greeks. Chaucer must have inferred that Thiodamus was the 
trumpeter who sounded the charge for which his warlike ardor, 
displayed so disastrously for the enemy the pijeceding night, 
had prepared the way. The most likely leader would have 
been the newly-elected priest flushed with a notable victory. 
This must be the occasion to which Chaucer refers: it is the 
most conspicuous instance of trumpeting in the Thehaid. 

In the House of Fame, were two rows of pillars upon which 
were set the statues of famous poets. 

" These, of which I ginne rede, 
Ther saugh I stonden, out of drede: 
Upon an yren pilar strong, 
That peynted was al endelong. 
With tygres blode in every place. 
The Tholosan that highte Stace, 
That bar of Thebes up the fame 
Upon his shuldres, and the name 
Also of cruel Achilles" (H. F. 1455-63). 

In order to characterize Statins by his magnum opus, the story 
of the siege of Thebes, Chaucer represents him upon an iron 
pillar painted with tiger's blood. Iron is Mars' metal (cf. H. 
F. 1446 f. and C. T., A 1994) ; and the tiger's blood points 
unmistakably to Thebes, where that animal was regarded as 
sacred. 



38 The Influence of Slatius upon Chaucer. 

Skeat thinks the pillar is described as painted with tiger's 
blood solely because of an episode related in the Thehaid 
(vii. 564 ff.): Before hostilities began, Jocasta and her 
daughters, Antigone and Ismene, went to the Grecian camp to 
entreat Polynices not to make war on his native city. The 
sternness of the exile and of some of the leaders had been so 
far overcome that a peaceful settlement might have been made 
had not Tisiphone infuriated two tame tigers w^hich were sacred 
to Bacchus. Impelled by her serpent lash, they bounded over 
the plain and slew three men belonging to the besieging host. 
Aconteus, who saw their attack, pursued the tigers, and slew 
them near the city walls, whereupon the enraged Thebans joined 
battle with the Argives. 

This incident is very striking, and may have called Chaucer's 
attention to the fact that the tiger stands for Thebes. Bacchus, 
the city's patron god, favored that animal above all others by 
yoking it to his chariot (cf. Theh. iv. 65Y ; vii. 5641). The 
fact that the tiger was held sacred at Thebes, may have had 
something to do with -the frequency with which that animal 
is mentioned in the Thehaid. Cf. ii. 128, in. 658, 693, vi. 697, 
763, IX. 686, X. 411, 820, xii. 170. As the tiger was deemed 
sacred at Thebes, so was the lion at Tiryns; cf. Theh. iv. 154 
and XI. 45. 

On Achilles (1. 1463) and Tholosan (1. 1460) see pp. 270 
and 274. 

Legend of Good Women. 

The Legend of Hypsipyle (1. 1368 ff.). In the Thehaid (v. 
335-485), Hypsipyle herself tells the story of the arrival of the 
Argonauts at Lemnos while she was queen of the island. She 
entertained Jason; and in return for her kindness was betrayed 
and deserted by him. If Chaucer consulted Statins (see Skeat 
III, p. xxxix.), no definite traces of influence are discernible in 
his own version of the story. Indeed, that part of the story 
told in 11. 1469-1563 is essentially different from Statins' ac- 
count and yet this is the only portion that can be compared 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 39 

with the Thebaid. According to Statius, the Lemiiian women 
opposed the landing of the xVrgonauts, supposing that they 
were Thracian warriors. There is no mention of the small 
boat (cogge) in which only Jason and Hercules came to land. 
Besides, the weather was fair at the time of the landing (1. 1483) 
whereas Statius describes a violent storm which raged during 
the attack by the Lemnian women. Statius says nothing about 
Hercules' part in the plot against the queen (v. 452). 

LI. 1564 ff. are evidently based upon Ovid, Heroid. vi. ; cf. 
particularly 11. 1568-75 and Heroid. vi. 122 f. and 155 f. LI. 
1396-1461 are professedly taken from Guido delle Colonne. 
The order and moments of the narrative of these lines are very 
similar to that in the Laud Troy Booh (ed. by J. E. Wiilfing, 
London, 1902, E. E. T. S. 121), 11. 101-378. Eor the list of 
the Argonauts, Chaucer (1. 1457) refers us to the ArgonauUcon; 
it is found in Val. Fl. i. 350-484. It would seem that Chaucer 
could not have known this portion of Val. FL, for it was part 
of Poggio's discovery in 1416. But this form of the title of 
Valerius' epic must be due to a source other than that suggested 
by Skeat. 

COMPLEYNT UNTO PiTE. 

In connection with this poem, I have to report Professor 
Skeat's brilliant ^ explanation of Herenus (1. 72). 

" Have mercy on me, thou Herenus qiiene." 

This is the reading best attested by the mss. The scansion of 
the line requires that the accent fall on the second syllable of 
the word; hence Herenus can not be an error for hevenes (or 
hevenus), though forms of heven are frequently found in the 
cadence of Chaucer's verses (cf. C. T., G 1080, 87, 542, A. B. 

^ This explanation may be acutior quam verior, but must stand, unless 
a French original of the poem be discovered. See the Oxford Chaucer, 
vol. I. p. 62, and the notes to 11. 57, 64, 92 ; also his letter to The Academy, 
Jan. 7, 1888, p. 9. 



40 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

C. 24, 149, C. T., E 2406, A 3464). In fact, Herenus is a 
variant spelling of Herines which occurs in the Troilus (iv. 

22) : - 

" ye Herines, nightes doughtren three." 

Although one would expect the queen of the Furies to be herself 
a Fury (Tisiphone according to Stat. Theh. i. 85), yet Professor 
Skeat explains how Pity, " humblest of herte, hyest of rever- 
ence," is their queen (note to 1. 92) : " Pity may be said to 
be the queen of the Furies, in the sense that pity (or mercy) 
can alone control the vindictiveness of vengeance." 

Professor Skeat discovered Chaucer's source for this char- 
acterization of Pity as well as for the idea of personifying the 
virtue in contrast to its contrary, Cruelty (i. p. 62) : " The 
struggle between Pity and Cruelty in Chaucer's poem (cf. 11. 
80, 89 f.) is parallel to the struggle between Pietas and the 
fury Tisiphone as told in Statins." Cf. Theh. xi. 457-496; 
also the words of Erinys (xi. 98) :" Licet alma Fides Pietasque 
repugnent vincentur." 

Tisiphone, sated with carnage, sought to put an end to the 
war by driving Eteocles and Polynices into single combat. 
Summoning her sister Megaera from Tartarus, she assigns to 
her the task of inciting the exile to a duel while she herself 
hastens to Thebes to infuriate Eteocles, and compel him to 
accept his brother's challenge (xi. 57 ff.). Despite the en- 
treaties of kindred and friends, Eteocles and Polynices meet 
before the city walls, each thirsting for a brother's blood. Mars 
and Bellona flee in horror; and the Theban Manes, by Pluto's 
permission, come to be spectators of the combat. The goading 
furies control the reins, and intertwine the horses' manes with 
hissing serpents. 

At this juncture, the goddess Pietas, created by Nature to 
restrain the cruel propensities of men and even of the gods, 
weeping at the fraternal strife and threatening to leave heaven 
and take up her abode in Erebus, resolved to make a final 
attempt to turn the combatants from their design (xi. 457 ff.). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 41 

She glided down to the battlefield, assumed the form of a 
warrior, and for the moment overcame the martial passion of 
the spectators and revived in the breasts of the combatants that 
love which brother should have for brother. The brothers would 
have yielded to her chiding had not cruel Tisiphone, discovering 
her disguise, rebuked her and attacked her with torch and 
serpents whereupon the modest goddess veiled her face with 
her cloak, and fled from the scene. 

Skeat notes that Pietas and Pity have a quality in common ; 
of. humblest of herte (1. 57) with Theh. xi. 493, where Pietas 
is described as veiling her face (pudibunda ora) at the horrid 
sight of the Fury. Reverence is due both; cf. hyest of rever- 
ence (1. 57) with reverentia (xi. 467). 

If Dr. Furnivall (Trial Forewords, p. 12) is right in regard- 
ing this poem as Chaucer's earliest work that is not a translation, 
then it represents his first borrowing from Statins. The con- 
jectural date of composition assigned by Skeat is the year 1367 
(voh I. p. 62). 

Book of the Duciiesse. 

Chaucer adapts Ovid in his description of the cave of Som- 
nus (11. 153-193; cf. Met. xi. 592 ff.). But evidence is not 
lacking that he added several features from Statins' description 
of this cave (Theb. x. 84 ff.): 

" This messager took leve and wente 
Upon his wey, and never ne stente 
Til he com to the derke valeye 
That stant hytwene roches tweye . . . 
Save ther were a fewe welles 
Came renning fro the cliffes adoun, 
That made a deedly sleping soun, 
Arid ronnen doun riffJit by a cave 
That was under a rokJce y-grave 
Amid the valey, iconder depe" (153-65). 

Cf. Theb. X. 86 Suhterque cavis grave rupibus antrum It vacu- 
um in montem. x. 95 Lpse profundis Vallibus effugiens spe- 
luncae proximus amnis Saxa inter scopulosque iacet. Grave 



42 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

may have suggested y-grave, although Chaucer would have 
kno^vn perfectly well that this was not its meaning. 

The corresponding lines in Ovid are (Met. xi. 592) : Est 
prope Cimmerios Ion go spelunca recessu / mons cavus, ignavi do- 
mus et penetralia Somni quo numquain radiis oriens mediusve 
cadusve / Phoebus adire potest. IS^ebulae caligine mixtae / ex- 
alantur humo. 602 Saxo tamen exit ah imo / rivus aquae 
Lethes, per cjuem cum murmure lahens / invitat somnos crepi- 
tantibus unda lapillis. 

Observe that the underscored lines in Chaucer are much closer 
to Statins than to Ovid: " cave that was under a rokke y-grave " 
is precisely " subterque cavis grave rubibus antrum " ; " valey 
wonder dej^e " is " profundis vallibus " ; " that stant bytwene 
I'oches tweye " is " saxa inter scapulosque iacet." In Ovid the 
stream issues from the cave ; in Statins it runs down right by a 
cave (effugiens speluncae proximus amnis). Here as usual, 
Chaucer has combined sources. Cf. H. F. lines 66-76 which 
are borrowed from Ovid alone. See Skeat's notes (iii. 247). 

COMPLEYNT OF MaRS. 

In MS. Harl. 7333, Shirley entitles this poem, " The broche 
of Thebes, as of the love of Mars and Venus" (Skeat i. 64). 
He probably means that the monile Harmoniae was made in 
consequence of the amour between Mars and Venus. At any 
rate, its intimate association with this amour accounts for its 
being described in the poem. Lydgate, in the prologue to his 
" Fall of Princes," curiously refers to this poem as one concern- 
ing " the broche which that Vulcanus at Thebes wrought " 
(Tyrwhitt, Canterbury Tales i. p. xlvi). 

The story of Mars and Venus as told by Ovid M. iv. 170- 
189 is recast by Chaucer and made astrological. The same 
story is referred to by Statins, Theh. iii. 269 ff. ; but as sketched 
there does not furnish a sufficient basis for Chaucer's elaborated 
version. Venus, in her attempt to dissuade Mars from con- 
ducting the war against Thebes, says (iii. 271) : " 'Nee genus 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 43 

Ilarmoniae nee te connuhia caelo / festa nee hae quiequam la- 
crimae, fiiribunde, morantiir? / Criminis haec merces? Hoc 
fama pudorque retictus, / hoc mihi Lemniacae de te Meruere 
catenae f / Perge lihens; at non eadem Vuleania nobis / obse- 
quia, et laesi servit tamen ira mariti ! " 

Though Chaiieer was compelled to eliminate Vulcan's brazen 
net (M. IV. 176) from his astrological account of the intrigue, 
he did not lose the opportunity to describe Harmonia's necklace, 
another product of the skill of the Lemnian artificer. The 
anger of an injured husband summoned all his cunning to im- 
part a dire force to the dotal ornament, which was to bring 
punishment upon Harmonia's parents by bringing ill to her 
and to all their line as successive generations should possess the 
heirloom. Chaucer's source for his account of the monile Har- 
moniae (11. 245-266) is Stat. Theh. ii. 265-305. Statins attri- 
butes the omens of misfortune at the marriage of Polynices 
and Tydeus to the daughters of Adrastus to the fact that Argia, 
the bride of Polynices, wore the necklace, which had been given 
her by the groom. 

Chaucer, like Statins, dilates upon the saeva potentia of the 
ornament, which arose from the materials used in its con- 
struction. 

" Tlie broche of Thebes was of suche a kinde, 
So ful of rubies and of stones Inde, 
That every wight, that sette on hit an ye, 
He wende anon to worthe out of his minde; 
So sore the beaute wolde his herte binde, 
Til he hit hadde, him thoughte he moste dye" (245-50). 

" Tradition hath it that Vulcan, long incensed at the intrigue 
of Mars, after punishment proved no hindrance to headlong love 
and the avenging net did not restrain, fashioned for Harmo- 
nia a dotal ornament against her wedding day. The cyclops, 
though skilled in forging mightier weapons, wrought upon it; 
the Telchines, acquainted with the arts, eagerly gave aid with 
friendly hand ; but Lemnius himself toiled most of all. There 
he arranges in a circle emeralds green with hidden flame, ada- 
mant inwrought with baleful shapes, ringlets from the Gorgon 



44 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucei'. 

head, scales from thunderbolts left on Sicilian anvils, and 
shining crests of green dragons ; here (he sets) a mournful twig 
from the Hesperides and dire gold of the Phrixean fleece. Then 
he interweaves various plagues, a serpent snatched from Tisi- 
phone's dismal locks, and whatever force Venus' girdle proves 
most baneful. He cunningly anoints the whole with lunar 
foam, and steeps it in the poison of fair-seeming, l^ot Pasithea, 
first of the charming sisters, not Beauty, nor the Idalian youth 
touched it ; but Grief, Wrath, Resentment, and Discord pressed 
it with cordial grasp" (Theb. ii. 269-88). 

" But he that wroghte hit enfortuned hit so, 
That every wight that had hit shuld have wo" (259 f.). 

The women who came to grief because they wore the necklace ^ 
were Harmonia, Semele, locasta, Argia, and Eriphyle (Theb. 
II. 290 ff.). Its power to make those who saw it covet it is 
brought out in connection with Eriphyle (ii. 299) : " Viderat 
hoc coniunx perituri vatis et aras / ante omnes epulasque trucem 
secreta coquebat / invidiam, saevis detur si quando potiri / 
cultibus." 

Anelida and Aecite. 

With exception of the mention of Emelye in 1. 38 (taken 
from the Teseide), lines 22-42 of this poem are based directly 
upon the Thebaid. Chaucer gives a clue to his source by 
quoting the beginning of Statins' description of the triumph of 
Theseus after his victory over the Amazons (Theb. xii. 519). 
The summary of the preceding portion of the Thebaid, given 
in lines 50-70, is imitated from Boccaccio. Chaucer's original 
outline of the Thebaid is found in the Troil. v. 1484 ff. 

Here as in the K71. Ta., Chaucer indicates by a quotation 

' Skeat (note to 1. 245), following Lewis' translation, calls Harmonia's 
monile a bracelet. The usage of the word in Latin does not justify this 
translation. A monile was worn about the neck not on the arm. Cf. Theb. 
II. 292 "Semele . . . dona nocentia collo induit"; Verg. Aen. i. 654 
" colloque monile bacatum." 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 45 

that portion of the Thehaid from which he borrows. These 
three lines head the story in the uss., that is to say, they are 
found just before 1. 22 of the poem: — 

" lamque domos patrias Scythicae post aspera gentis 
Praelia laurigero subeuntem Thesea curru, 
Laetifici plausus missusque ad sidera vulgi " (12, 519-21). 

" Whan Theseus, icith icerres longe and grete, 
The aspre folk of Cithe had over-come, 
With laurer crowned, in his char gold-bete. 
Room to his contre-houses is y-come; — 
For which the peple hlisful, al and somme, 
So cryden, that unto the sterres hit \oente, 
And him to honouren dide al hir entente"; — (22-28). 
Cf. : lamque domus patrias Scythicae post aspera gentis 
Proelia laurigero subeunton Thesea curru 
Laetifici plausus missusque ad sidera vulgi Clamor (xii. 519-22). 

" Beforn this duk, in signe of hy victorie. 
The trompes come, and in his baner large 
The image of Mars; and in token of glorie, 
Men mighten seen of tresor many a charge, - 
Many a bright helm, and many a spere and targe, 
Many a fresh knight, and many a blisful route, 
On hors, on fote, in al the felde aboute " (29-35). 
Theh. XII. 522: 

" et emeritis hilaris tuba nuntiat armis. 
Ante ducem spolia et, duri Mavortis imago, 
Virginei ciirrus cumulataque fcrcula cristis 
Et tristes ducuntur equi truncaeque bipennes, 
Quis nemora et solidam Maeotida caedere suetae, 
Corytique leves portantur et ignea gemmis 
Cingula et informes dominarvim sanguine peltae." 

Here we observe how freely Chaucer rearranges the material 
given by his original. He has joined parts of different sen- 
tences ; '^ ante ducem " and '" emeritis hilaris tuba nuntiat 
armis " which give him exactly '^ Befoni this duk, in signe of 
hy victorie / the trompes come." He has transferred the adj. 
aspera from proelia to genies, laurigero from curru to Thesea. 
Particularly noteworthy is the close translation of word and 
phrase: cf. aspre with aspera, lauer-crouned with laurigero. 



46 The Influence of Statius wpoyi Chaucer. 

contre-houses with domos patrias, so cryden that unto the sterres 
hit wente with clamor ad sidera missus, the image of Mars with 
Mavortis imago. 

" IpoUta his wyf, the hardy quene 
Of Cithia, that he conquered hadde, 
With Emelye, hir yonge suster shene, 
Faire in a char of golde he with him ladde, 
That al the ground aboute hir char she spradde 
With brightnesse of the beautee in hir face, 
Fulfild of largesse and of alle grace " ( 36-42 ) . 
Cf . : " Primus amor niveis victorem cenere vectum 
Quadriiugis ; nee non populos in semet agebat 
Eippolyte, iam blanda genas patiensque mariti 
Foederis. Hanc patriae ritus fregisse severos 
Atthides oblique secum mirantur operto 
Murmure, quod nitidi crines, quod pectora palla 
Tota latent, magnis quod barbara semet Athenis 
Misceat atque hosti veniat paritura marito " (xii. 532-39). 

The mention of Hippolyte's sister (1. 38) is, of course, taken 
from Boccaccio; cf. Tes. i. 128; ii. 9: "La bella Emilia, stella 
mattutina." 

Chaucer restates the situation in a transitional stanza before 
he takes up his second author, Boccaccio: 

" With his triumphe and laurer crouned thus, 
In al the floure of fortunes yevinge, 
Lete I this noble prince Theseus 
Towards Athenes in his wey rydinge " . . . (43-46). 

For discussion of the indirect influence of Statius upon the 
Anelida, see pp. 66-78. 



Canterbury Tales: Group A. 

Enightes Tale. At the beginning of the K. T., the mss. 
quote a line and a half from the Thehaid: 

" lamque domos patrias, Scithice post aspera gentis 
Prelia laurigero etc." (xii. 519 f.). 

With these words, Statius begins his description of the trium- 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 47 

phal entry of Theseus at Athens after his victory over Hippo- 
lyte, queen of the Amazons; and as the Knight's Tale opens 
with an account of this triumph, the appropriateness of the 
quotation is apparent. The Thehaid then is one of the " olde 
stories " to which Chaucer refers. He probably included two 
mediaeval stories which he had used in describing Theseus' re- 
turn to Athens, viz., Boccaccio's Teseide and the anonymous 
Roman de Thebes. On the relation of the Knightes Tale to the 
Teseide, see p. 78, to the Thebes, see p. 78. 

In the Teseide ii. 13-80, Boccaccio follows Statius, Theb. 
XII. 94-808, rather closely, all the essential elements of his 
account being drawn from his original. Chaucer, while writing 
the corresponding portion of the K. T. (A. 893-996), evidently 
had Statius open before him; and has combined sources in his 
usual felicitous manner. He combined the same sources in the 
introduction to the Anelida where he follows Statius much more 
closely than here in the K. T. Some features of Chaucer's 
version which do not appear in the Teseide indicate that he 
was alert to add any interesting detail neglected in his imme- 
diate source: the statement that Theseus made a night march 
towards Thebes (A. 970) ; the mention of the Minotaur (A. 
980) ; and perhaps the mention of Fortune (A. 915). 

Professor Skeat's explanation of Chaucer's puzzling reference 
to a tempest at Theseus' hoom-cominge is unsatisfactory. 

"And of the tempest at her hoom-cominge" (A. 884). 

Skeat's note : " I think the solution is to be found by referring 
to Statius. Chaucer seems to have remembered that a tempest 
is there described (Theb. xii. 650-5), but to have forgotten 
that is merely introduced by way of simile. In fact, when 
Theseus determines to attack Creon (see 1. 960), the advance 
of his host is likened by Statius to the effect of a tempest. The 
lines are: — 

' Qualis Hyperboreos iibi nubilus institit axes 
lupiter, et prima tremefecit sidera bruma, 
Rumpit Aeolia, et longam indignata quietem 



48 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Tollit hiems animos, ventosque sibilat Arctos; 
Tunc montes undaeqiie fremunt, turn proelia caesis 
Nubibus, et tonitrus insanaque fulmina gaudent.' " 

The Latin lines from the Thehaid, quoted at the head of the 
Tale, and other borrowings between lines A. 859 and 996 show 
that Chaucer was not writing from memory, but that he had 
Statins before him. If so, then he could hardly have made the 
mistake of supposing that Statius' simile (xii. 650) represented 
a real storm which would probably have been described in a 
passage antecedent to Theh. xii. 519. It was Chaucer's appre- 
ciation of the situation in Statius that decided him to make 
Theseus' triumph the starting point of the Knightes Tale (cf. 
A. 872-74 and 893 if.) and to summarize the story of the 
Teseide up to that point {i. e. to ii. 19). Accordingly he leaves 
the duke riding to Athens (A. 874), and outlines the Teseide 
up to the description of Theseus' triumph. Hence the tempest 
must have taken place before or during the triumph, the account 
of which Chaucer resumes at line 893, blending the Thehaid 
(xii. 540 ff.) with the Teseide (ii. 25 if.). He must have 
known that Statius makes no mention of Theseus' voyage and 
that he describes only the triumphal entrance to Athens. 

Boccaccio's only references to the weather during the home- 
ward voyage are Teseide ii, strophes 9 and 18, where he clearly 
states that the wind was favorable: — 

" Quindi spirando tra Borea e Coro 

Ottinio vento, da quella marina 

Li tolse, lor portando in verso Atene 

II piu del tempo eolle vele piene " ( ii. 9 ) . 
" Teseo con vento fresco al sue viaggio 

Contento ritornava in verso Atene" (ii. 18). 

There is no classical source for the tempest of which Chaucer 
speaks and his only known mediaeval source other than the 
Teseide is the Roman de Thebes which says nothing about the 
Amazonian conquest or the triumphal return of Theseus to 
Athens. If Chaucer had for his account of the triumph no 
other source than the Thehaid and the Tes/eide, then line 884 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 49 

as we have it is not what he wrote or else tempest is not literally 
used. If the reading were, 

" And of the feste eek at hir hoom-cominge," 

the line would be an excellent report of Tes. ii. 19-23 in which 
Boccaccio describes Theseus' festal triumph and the public re- 
joicing. In other words, A. 884 may be Chaucer's passing 
reference to the gala procession which attended Theseus from 
the harbor to the city, described at some length in the Teseide. 
He would thus complete his digressive outline of the Teseide 
with line 884. After some transitional lines he comes back 
(1. 893) to his starting point. The key of the situation is that 
Theseus has " come almost unto the toun " (cf. 872-74 with 
893-95). This is the real beginning of the story, and was no 
doubt determined by the passage in Statius quoted at the head 
of the Tale. Is not A. 884 explained by Tes. ii. 19 : 

" Gli Ateniensi, clie lui pure attendieno 
Con gran disio, per la sua ritornata 
Mirabil festa preparata avieno, 
La qual fu incontanente cominciata, 
Secondo il lor poter ( che assai potieno ) : 
Fu la lor terra tutta quanta ornata 
De drappi ad oro e d'altri paramenti 
Con infinite canti ed istronienti " ? 

If it is, then Chaucer may have written feste, not tempest. 

If the emendation suggested be not allowed, then tempest is 
best taken figuratively in the sense of festal occasion (cf. 1, 906, 
also Thebes A. 414), and thus would still refer to Tes. ii. 19 ff., 
for which there should be some equivalent in Chaucer's outline. 
The word tempest seems to be used figuratively in the Thebes, 
1. 8760, referring to the storm of applause which greeted Minos 
and his host. 

" Lord to whom fortune hath given 
Victorie, and as a conquerour to liven" (A. 915 f.). 

The mention of Fortune at the very beginning of Evadne's ap- 
peal may have been suggested by the Thehaid xii. 547 where 
4 



50 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Fortuna's favor toward Theseus is spoken of in the same con- 
nection : 

" Belliger Aegide, suiitae cui maxima laudis 
Semina de nostris aperit Fortuna ruinis." 

" The rede statue of Mars, with spere and targe, 
So shyneth in his whyte baner large, 
That alle the feeldes gliteren up and doun" (975-7). 

These lines were doubtless suggested by Statins, Theh. xii. 658 ff. 
" Nee pulvere crasso / armorum lux victa peril, sed in aethera 
longum / frangitur, et mediis ardent in nubibus hastae." If 
so, the feeldes are those through which Theseus' host is march- 
ing, not, as Bell and Skeat think, '' the ground upon which the 
various charges, as they are called, are emblazoned." The idea 
is that the rays of light from the emblazoned banner penetrate 
far into the darkness (cf. x\. 970). The author of the Roman 
de Thebes may also have had this passage of Statins in mind 
when describing Theseus' host (1. 9909) : — 

" Mout luisent cil heaume environ 
Et cil escu peint a leon; 
Des espiez sont dreites les lances, 
A toz a beles conoissances : 
Trestote en reluist la contree, 
D'icele gent issi armee; 
Environ la terre fremist 
Et U pais en resplendist." 

However, it was a commonplace in describing the march of an 

army to represent fields as being illuminated by the gleam of 

armor; cf. Thebes 9525-30. 

"«» 
" And by his baner born is his penoun 
Of gold ful riche, in which there was y-bete 
The Minotaur, which that he slough in Crete" (978-80). 

As the Minotaur is not mentioned in Boccaccio, the fact that 
the monster appears on Theseus' penoun is sufficient proof that 
Chaucer compared the accounts of Boccaccio and Statius. In 
the Thehaid, the Minotaur is embossed on Theseus' shield where 
the hero's victory is portrayed with such reality that the illusion 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 51 

is complete when he rages in battle; for his terror-stricken 
enemies see Theseus twice: 

" At procul ingenti Neptunius agmina Theseus 
Augustat clipeo, propriaeque exordia laudis 
Centum urbes umbone gerit centenaque Cretae 
Moenia, seque ipsiim monstrosi ambagibus antri 
Hispida torquentem luctantis colla iuvenci 
Alternasque rnanus circum et nodosa ligantem 
Bracchia et abducto vitantem cornua vultu. 
Terror habet populos, cum saeptus imagine torva 
Ingreditur pugnas: bis Thesea bisque cruentas 
Caede videre manus " (xii. 665-74). 

Palemon upbraids the cruel gods because they have allowed 
Arcite to go free while he is doomed to remain " in prison 
thurgh Satume, 

And eek tliurgli luno, lalous and eek wood, 

That hath destroyed wel my al the blood 

Of Thebes, ivith his loaste walles wyde" (A. 1328-31). 

The condition of the walls of Thebes at the time of Theseus' 
arrival wnth his host is described Theh. xii. 703 " Cessat fiducia 
valli / murorum patet omne latus, munimina portae / expos- 
cunt: prior hostis habet, fastigia desunt, / deiecit Capaneus." 
Chaucer's expression " waste walles wyde " may have been 
suggested by " murorum patet omne latus." Cf. A. 1880 
" Thebes, with his olde walles wyde." 

On the cause of Juno's jealousy see the note to Trail, v. GOl, 
p. 46 f. 

" He was war of Arcite and Palamon, 
That foughten breme, as it were bores two; 
The brighte swerdes wenten to and fro ..." (A. 1698-1700). 

" As wilde bores gonne they to smyte, 
That frothen whyte as foom for ire wood" (A. 1658 f.). 

Similarly the duel between Eteocles and Polynices is likened 
to a fight between two wild boars {Theh. xi. 524 ff.) : " Coeunt 
sine more, sine arte, / tantum animos irasque atque ignescentia 
cernunt / per galeas odia et vultus rimantur acerbo / lumine : 
nil adeo mediae telluris, et enses / impliciti nexaeque manus 



52 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

alternaque saevi / miirmiira ceii litiios rapiunt aut sigTia tuba- 
rum. / Fulmineos veluti praeceps cum comminus egit / ira sues 
strictisque erexit tergora saetis / igne tremunt oculi, lunataque 
dentibus uncis / ora sonant." As the Teseide affords no parallel 
to Chaucer's lines, it is probable that he took the comparison 
from Statins. 

Since Boccaccio does not mention a hill or a mountain when 
lie locates the temple of Mars, there is little doubt that Chaucer 
is trying to bring out the force of " averso domus inmansueta 
sub Haemo" (Theh. vii. 42) when he says (A. 1981 f.) : 

" And doicnivard from an Mile, under a hente, 
Ther stood the temple of Mars armipotente . . . 
And ther-out cam a rage and such a vese 
That it made al the gates for to rese." 

These lines may have been suggested by Primis salit Impetus 
amens / e forihus" {Theh. vii. 47), or by Tes. vii. 33: 

" Li gl' Impeti dementi parve a lei 
Veder, che ficr fuor della porta uscieno." 

But since vese is glossed by impetus in the Ellesmere and 
Hengwrt mss.^ Statins is the more likely source. The idea of 
a blast of wind shaking the gates is different from the idea of 
the leaping forth of Attack; but impetus also conveys the idea 
of rapid motion, and was thus a sufficient suggestion to Chaucer. 
See Skeat's note. 

"The nortlwen light in at the dores shoon " (A. 1987). 

The northren light is simply the sunlight in a northern clime 
such as that of Thrace where the temple of Mars was situated 
(A. 1972 f.). This line may have been suggested by Statins 
or by Boccaccio. 

" Laeditur adversum Phoebi iubar, ijisaque sedem 
Lux timet, et durus contristat sidera fulgor (vii. 45f. ). 

The baleful gleam from the temi^le meets the sunlight, and 
overcomes its cheerful effect; and so the light from without 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 53 

does not succeed in penetrating into the recesses of the temple. 
]N'or is the light of the moon and the stars more successful than 
that of the sun. Here, as usual, Chaucer does not render but 
adapts his source, allowing the light to shine into the temple. 
Cf. Skeat's note. The corresponding lines in Boccaccio are 
(Tes. VII. 32) :— 

" In questa vide la ca' dello Iddio 
Armipotente, e questa 6 edificata 
Tutta d'acciaio splendido e pulio, 
Dal quale era dal sol riverberata 
La luce, che abborriva il luogo rio." 

"The dores were alle of adamante eterne" (A. 1990). 

Theh. VII. 68 " Clausaeque adamante perenni / dissiluere fores " 
and Tes. vii. 32 " E le porte eran d'eterno diamante." Chaucer 
takes the noun from Statins, the adjective from Boccaccio. 
The Italian parallel to A. 1995 f., 

" Ther saugh I first the derke imagining 
Of felonye, and al the compassing," 

is Tes. VII. 33 : 

" Ed il cieco Peccare, ed ogni Omei 
Similemente quivi si vedieno." 

But the word first indicates that Statins is the source {Theh. 
VII. 47) : — " Primis salit Impetus amens / e foribus caecumque 

:N'efas." 

" And al above, depeynted in a tour, 
Saw I conquest sittinge in greet honour, 
With the sharpe swerde over his heed 
Hanging by a sotil twynes threed " (A. 2527-30). 

These lines were evidently suggested by the Thehaid (vii. 55) : 
" Fastigia templi / captae insignihant gentes, caelataque ferro 
fragmina portarum." . . . Cf . Tes. vii. 36 : — 

" Ed era il tempio tutto istoriato 
Da sottil mano e di sopra e d'intorno: 
E cio che pria vide disegnato 



54 The Influence of Statius upoji Chaucer. 

Eran le prede di notte e di giorno 
Tolte alle terre . . . 
Vedevansi le genti incatenate." 

Boccaccio's di sopra is too colorless to have suggested Chaucer's 
in a tour while fastigia templi, the temple's dome or " vaulted 
roof" (Lewis), with its embossed captae gentes, if painted on 
the wall of Chaucer's temple, would be suitably described by 
conquest, depeynted in a tour. Caelataque ferro, though it is 
evidently not to be taken with captae gentes and though ferro 
does not here mean sword, is probably the link of association 
that accounts for the appearance of Damocles' sword in Chau- 
cer's next line. Chaucer's ms. of Statius may have read caela- 
toque ferro. 

" Ne how the goddes ronnen up and doun, 
Disherited of hir habitacioun, 
In tvhich they woneden in rest and pees, 
Nymphes, Faunes, and Amadrides " (A. 2925-28). 

Theh. VI. 103 : " Linquunt flentes dilecta locorum 

Otia eana Pales Silvanusque arbiter umbrae 
Semideumque pecus, migrantibus adgemit illis 
Silva, nee amplexae dimittunt robora Nymphae." 

The idea that the habitation of the gods is one of rest and pees 
is due to Statius, not to Boccaccio. 

" Ne how the fyr was couched first with stree . . . 
And than with cloth of gold and with perrye" (2933 f.). 

Theh. VI. 61: " Summa crepant auro, Tyrioque attolitur ostro 
/ molle supercilium, teretes hoc undique gemmae / irradiant." 
Perrye is Chaucer's translation of gemmae. There is no cor- 
responding term in the Teseide (xi. 27-29) whence Chaucer 
took the other features of his description of Arcita's pyre. 

Group B. 
Man of Lawe. Chaucer mentions the strife of Thebes as 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 55 

one of the events that were written many years beforehand in 
the stars : 

" In sterres, many a winter ther-biforn 
Was writen the deeth of Ector, Achilles, 
Of Pompey, lulius, er they were born; 
The stryf of Thebes" (B. 197-200). 

Marginal quotations in the mss. show that this passage was 
taken from the Megacosmos of Bernardus Silvestris.^ 

When Constance, daughter of the Emperor of Rome, left 
home to go to Syria and become the bride of the Sultan, there 
was " tendre weping " such as was not heard at the burning 
of Troy, nor at "Thebes the citee " (B. 289). There was 
great sorrow at Thebes on several notable occasions. When the 
relatives of the 49 warriors slain by Tydeus went out to bury 
their dead (Theh. in. 120), 

" Fervet iter gemitu et plangoribus arva reclamant. 
Ut vero infames scopulos silvamque nefandam 
Perventum, ceu nulla prius lamenta nee atri 
Manassent imbres, sic ore miserrimus uno 
Exoritur fragor, aspectuque accensa cruento 
Turba furit: stat sanguineo discussus amictu 
Luctus atrox caesoque invitat pectore matres." 

The aged Aletes, who tried to comfort the mourners, said: 
" Sed nee veteris cum regia Cadmi Fulmineum in cinerem 
monitis lunonis iniquae Consedit, neque funerea cum laude 
potitus Infelix Athamas trepido de monte veniret, Semianimem 
heu laeto referens clamore Learchum, Hie gemitus Thehis . . . 
Una dies similis fato specieque malorum Aequa fuit, qua magni- 
loquos luit impia flatus Tantalis, innumeris cum circumfusa 
ruinis Corpora tot raperet terra, tot quaereret ignes " (in. 
183 ff.). 

^ See Skeat's note. The value of these marginal glosses has been shown 
to be considerable. For this reason, the present explanation of Trophee 
(B. 3307) as Guide (Hamilton, Chaucer's Indebtedness to Guido delle 
Colonne, pp. 55, 150; Skeat, ii. p. Ivi) is not wholly satisfactory. This 
crux should stand until someone explains how Trophee is ille vates 
Chaldeorum as he is called in mss. Ellesmere, Hengwrt. 



56 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

When Eteocles and Polynices are about to begin their duel, 
" Prominet excelsis vulgus niiserabile tectis, Cuncta niadent 
lacrimis et ab omni plangitur arce " (xi. 416 f.). 

When the Thebans mourned their slain after the siege was 
raised, they wept all day and all night (xii. 44 ff.). 

There was ' tendre weping ' when Argia and Antigone found 
the body of Polynices (xii. 317, 385). 

Group D. 

Wyf of Bathe. The ' loly clerk lankin ' had a book which 
was a comj)ilation of stories of ' wikked wy^^es,' and took great 
delight . in reading from it for the edification of his spouse, 
the Wife of Bath. One of these stories was that of Eriphyle's 
betrayal of Amphiaraus (D. 740 ff.) : 

" He tolde me eek for what occasioun 
Amphiorax at Thebes loste his lyf; 
Myn housbond hadde a legende of his wyf, 
Eriphilem, that for an ouche of gold 
Hath prively un-to the Grekes told 
Wher that hir housbonde liidde him in place, 
For which he hadde at Thebes sory grace." 

On the margin of the EUesmere ms.^, there is a quotation from 
Jerome, Contra lovin. i. 52, " Tertia (Eriphyle dicitur) pro- 
disse Amphiar[a]um, et saluti viri monile aureum praetulisse." 
If the marginal note was Chaucer's own, then he has supple- 
mented this brief statement ; for from it he could not have 
known that Eriphyle's betrayal of her husband consisted in 
telling the Greeks his place of concealment, nor could he have 
known that her betrayal resulted in the seer's death at Thebes. 

By observing a battle between seven eagles and a flock of 
swans, Amphiaraus divined the events of the war, and fore- 
saw his o^vn death. Hence he was unwilling to reveal the 
future to Adrastus, and concealed himself for twelve days 
(Theh. III. 570, cf. 623). But Eriphyle coveted Harmonia's 
necklace then in possession of Argia ; and betrayed her husband 
that she might secure the direful gold. Thus he was compelled 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 57 

to join the Theban expedition and meet his fate (iv. 190 ff.) : 
'' nee coniiugis absunt / insidiae, vetitoque domus iam fulgurat 
auvo. /Hoc aurum vati fata exitiale monebant / Argolico : scit 
et ipsa nef as, sed perfida coniunx / dona viro mutare velit, 
spoliisque excellere cultu." Cf. 209 ff. : ' Nunc induat ilia 
(Eriphyle) / quae petit et bellante potest gaudere marito ' / 
Sic Eriphylaeos aurum fatale penates / inrupit scelerumque in- 
gentia semina movit, / et grave Tisiphone risit gavisa futuris." 
Amphiaraus' last request of Apollo, made just before his 
plunge into Tartarus, was that his treacherous wife might be 
punished (Theh. vii. T85) : '' l!^unc voce suprema, / si qua re- 
cessuro debetur gratia vati, / deceptum tibi, Phoebe, larem 
poenasque nefandae / coniugis et pulchrum nati commendo f u- 
rorem." Cf. the seer's words to Pluto (viii. 101) : " ISTec alma 
/ sic merui de luce rapi ; scit iudicis urna / Dictaei verumque 
potest deprendere Minos. / Coniugis insidiis et iniquo venditus 
auro / Argolicas acies . . . non ignarus ini " ; cf . 120 "Si 
quando nef anda / hue aderit coniunx, illi f unesta reserva / 
supplicia: ilia tua, rector bone, dignior ira." Cf. Theb. xii. 
123 ; Ovid M, viii. 316. As a token of her acceptance of his 
love, Emilia gave to Palemon " una cintura simiglianti / A 
quella per la qual si seppe il loco Dove Anfiaro era latitante " 
{Tes. IX. 71). 

Group E. 

Marchantes Tale. At the wedding of January and May the 
music was such 

" That Orpheus, ne of Thebes Amphioun, 
Ne maden never swich a raelodye " (E. 17161.). 

Statius frequently refers to the exquisite melody by which 
Amphion constrained rocks from the surrounding mountains 
to move into place and form the walls of Thebes. In his 
invocation, he decides to pass over the beginnings of Theban 
history, and not to tell " quo carmine muris / iusserit Amphion 
Tyrios accedere montes " (i. 9). 



58 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

When the Thebans were rejoicing at the death of the Argive 
seer, they boastfully sang of the deeds of their ancestors, of 
Amphion who moved rocks and cliffs to the music of the Tyrian 
lyre (viii. 232 f.). Cf. x. 873 G., and the note to A. 1545 ff. 
See iJ. 116 below. 

" At every cours than cam loud minstraleye, 
That never trumped loab for to here, 
Ne he, Theodomus, yet half so clere, 
At Thebes, whan the eitee was in doute " (E. 1718-21). 

Chaucer evidently had in mind some memorable occasion on 
which Thiodamus blew his trumpet at Thebes. Thiodamus' 
first action after his election as successor of Amphiaraus was 
to offer sacrifice to Mother Earth (Theh. viii. 303 ff.). At the 
end of his invocation (342), a great blare of trumpets was heard 
from Thebes, and the Thebans rushed forth from the seven 
gates of the city to renew the battle. Skeat (note to H. F. 
1245) is wrong in thinlving that the trumpets were blown by 
the besieging host; cf. contra (342). This then is not the 
occasion to which Chaucer refers. See p. 37. 



Group H. 
Maunciples Tale. 

" Whan Phebus dwelled here in this erthe adoun, 
As olde bokes maken mencioun, 
He was the moste lusty bachiler 
In al this world, and eek the beste archer" (105-8). 

Part of Apollo's life on earth was spent in the service of 
Admetus {Theh. vi. 353) : " Peliacis hie cum famularer in 
arvis / (sic lovis imperia et nigrae voluere Sorores), / tura 
dabat famulo nee me sentire minorem / ausus." These are the 
words of Apollo when deliberating whether to favor Admetus 
or Amphiaraus in the chariot race at the funeral games of 
Archemorus. 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 59 

" Pleyen he coude on every minstralcye, 
And singen, that it was a melodye, 
To heren of his clere vois the soun. 
Certes the king of Thebes, Amphioun, 
That with his singing walled that citee, 
Coude never singen half so wel as he" (113-18). 

Cf. the note to E. 1716 above. 

Amphion as Jcing of Thebes is probably due to a mediaeval 
sources. Cf. Boccaccio, De Geneol. Deo?: v. 30 " De Amphi- 
one rege Thebarum." 



60 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 



II. INDIRECT IIsTFLUENCE OF THE THEBAID. 
A. Through Boccaccio. 

Both the Filostrato and the Teseide are media of Statius' 
influence upon Chaucer. 

1. II Filostrato. Only the Troilus, which is an adaptation 
of the Filostrato, comes under consideration here. 

" For if my fader Tydeus " he seyde, 
" Y-lived hadde, I hadde been, er this, 

Of Calidoune and Arge a king, Criseyde! 

And so hope I that I shal yet, y-wis. 

But he was slayn, alias! the more harm is, 

Unhappily at Thebes al to rathe, 

Polymites and many a man to scathe" (v. 932-38), 

These words of sudden Diomed to Criseyde are borrowed 
from the Filostr. vi. 24: 

" Se '1 padre mio Tedeo fosse vissuto, 
Com'el fu morto a Tebe combattendo, 
Di Calidonia e d' Argo saria suto 
Re, siccom' io ancora essere intendo." 

Chaucer's method of combining sources is here illustrated. His 
familiarity with Boccaccio's sources enabled him to add, 

" Polymites and many a man to scathe." 

The death of Tydeus was a heavy blow to the cause of Poly- 
nices ; and deprived the allied hosts of their doughtiest chieftain. 
When Tydeus was begging that the head of Melanippus be 
brought, he addressed Capaneus thus (viii. 744) : " Argolicae 
Capaneu iam maxime turmae." Polynices thus begins his la- 
ment over the lifeless body of his friend (ix. 49) : " Hasne tibi, 
armorum.spes suprema meorum, / Oenide, grates, haec prae- 
mia digna rependi ? " 



The Influence of Statins upon Cliaucer. 61 

"And of this lord (Meleagre) descended Tydeus 
By ligne, or elles olde bokes lye" (v. 1480 f. )• 

" This like boor bitokneth Diomede, 
Tydeus sone, that doun descended is 
Fro Meleagre, that made the boor to blede " (v. 1513-15). 

In making Tydeus a lineal descendant of Meleager, Chaucer 
has departed from both Statins and Ovid. Tydeus, threatening 
Polynices at the court of Adrastus, says (i. 461) : " aut hodie 
spoliis gavisus abibis,/ quisquis es, his, aut me si non effetus 
oborto / sanguis hebet luctu, magni de stirpe creatum / Oeneos 
et Marti non degenerare paterno / accipies." Cf. " Oenides " 
(viii. 538) ; Ovid M. viii. 414, 486. According to classical 
mythology, Tydeus was the half brother of Meleager. In 
Homer's account of the Calydonian hunt (//. ix. 529-99), 
Meleager is represented as the son of OEneus and Althaea. 
After the tragic death of Meleager and his mother, (Eneus 
married Periboea, who bore him Tydeus (Hyg. Fab. 69), 
When Tydeus fled to Argos because of his crime {Tlieh. i. 402), 
Adrastus welcomed him as one of his sons-in-law {Theh. i. 495, 
II. 152) ; and gave him in marriage Deipyle by whom he became 
the father of Diomedes.^ 

The source of Chaucer's lines is Boccaccio (Filostr. vii. 27) : 

" Questo cinghiar ch'io vidi e Diomede 
Perocch^ Vavolo ttccise il cingliiaro 
Di Calidonia, se si pud dar fede 
A' nostri antichi, e sempre poi portarono 
Per sopransegna siccome si vede 
I discendenti il porco." 

The boar's spoils were the insignia of the house of Calydon, 
not worn by the descendants of Meleager, but by the representa- 
tive of the royal family; cf. Theb. i. 488: " Terribiles contra / 
saetis ac dente recurvo / Tydea per latos humeros ambire labor- 
ant / exuviae, Calydonis honos." Cf. also Theb. vi. 810 f. and 
viii. 705 f. In the oracle of xVpollo concerning the sons-in-law 
of Adrastus, Tydeus was prefigured by a wild boar (Theb. i. 
395):— 

^ See Roscher's Lcxikon under Oineus, Meleagros, Diomedcs. 



62 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

" Cui Phoebus generos (monstrum exitiabile dictu! 
Mox adaperta fides) fato ducente canebat 
Saetigerumque suem et fulvum adventare leonem." 

Cf. Troil V. 1449. 

Chaucer's words " or elles olde bokes lye " are his trans- 
lation of " Se si puo dar fede / a' nostri antichi." He has 
here followed Boccaccio somewhat blindly, taking avolo in the 
sense of ancestor in direct succession, when either of his fami- 
liar authors, Statins or Ovid, would have set him right. His 
error is the more surprising since he probably consulted Met. 
VIII. 260 if. for his story of the Calydonian chase. Skeat com- 
pares Troll V. 1469 with Met. viii. 282; cf. further v. 1470 
with Met. VIII. 290 f.^ 

2. La Teseide. 

Troilus and Criseyde. 

"O cruel god, O dispitouse Marte!" (ii. 435). Cf. Tes. 
I. 58: "O fiero Marte, O dispettoso Iddio ! " ; Theb. ix. 785 
" ferus . . . Mavors " ; Ovid, Heroid. vii. 160. 

" The golden-tressed Phebiis heighe on-lofte. 
Thryes hadde alle with his hemes shene 
The snowes molte, and Zephirus as ofte 
Y-brought agein the tendre leves grene " (v. 8-11). 

Chaucer's stately lines are apparently the result of combining 
sources : — 

"II sole avea due volte dissolule 
Le nevi agli alti poggi, ed altrettante 
Zefiro aveva le frondi rendute 
Ed i be' fiore alle spogliate piante " . . . [Tes. ii. 1). 

' The Iioi}\an de Thebes states the relationship correctly: 

" Li proz chevaliers Tydeiis 

Qui esteit fiz Oeneiis " (G67f.); 
" De Calidone eissi I'autr'ier : 

Fiz su6 Oeneiis le rei " (836f.). 

Cf. Ovid, Heroid, ix. 151-57 and Hyg. Fab. xtv. 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 63 

Boccaccio no doubt imitated Statius Theh. iv. 1 : — " Tertius 
horrentum Zephiris laxaverat annum Phoebus et angusto coge- 
bat limite vernum Longius ire diem." Phebus and thryes may 
be due to Statius. The fostering influence of Zephirus upon 
foliage and flower is again referred to bj Statius, Theb. vii. 223 : 

" Ut cum sole malo tristique rosaria pendent 
Usta Noto, si claia dies Zephrique refecit 
Aura polum, redit omnis honos, emissaque lucent 
Germina et informes ornat sua gloria virgas." 

Cf. C. T., A. 5 : 

" Wlian Zephirus eek with his swete breeth 
Inspired hath in every holt and heeth 
The tendre eroppes " . . . . 

and Boethius i. Metre v. : — " Thy might atempreth the vari- 
aunts sesons of the yere ; so that Zephirus the deboneir wind 
bringeth ayein in the first somer sesoun, the leves that the wind 
that highte Boreas hath reft awey in autumpne " ; also L. of G. 
W. 171 (B), B. D. 402 f. with Skeat's note. Cf. also Pe- 
trarch, Sonnet xlii : 

" Zefii-o torna, e '1 bel tempo rimena 
E i fiori e Ferbe, sua dolce famiglia, 
E garrir Progne, e pianger Filomena; 
E priniavera Candida e vermigla," 

and note that these lines are the source of Troil. ii. 50 f. 
and 64 f. 

The apotheosis of Troilus (v. 1807-27) is adapted from 
Boccaccio's account of the apotheosis of Arcita {Tes. xi. 1-3), 
as Ward points out.^ Bbccaccio doubtless took the suggestion 
from Statius Tlieb. x. 780, where we are told that Menoeceus' 
valor in sacrificing his life for the welfare of Thebes gained him 
a place among the stars: — 

" Ast ilium amplexae Pietas Virtusque ferebant 
Leniter ad terras corpus; nam spiritus olim 
Ante lovem et summis apiceni sibi poscit in astris." 

^Six-Text Print, C. T., Kn. Ta. 2809. 



o4 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

But Boccaccio, at this suggestion, turned to a more complete 
description of an apotheosis, viz., that of Pompey as given by 
Lucan (De Bel Civ. ix. 1-14). ^ 

Legend of Good Women. 

Chaucer's devotion to the daisy caused him to rise early on 
the first of ]\Iay 

" For to ben at the resureecioun 
Of this flour, whan that it shuld unclose 
Agayn the sonne, that roos as rede as rose, 
That in the brest u-as of the heste that day, 
That Agenores doghter ladde away" (110-14 B). 

This striking idea with the phraseology that embodies it is due 
to Boccaccio (Tes. iii. 5) : 

" Febo salendo con li suoi cavalli 
Del del teneva rumilc ai.imale 
Che Europa porta senza intervalli 
La dove il nome diniora avale." 

Cf. Troll III. 722 : 

" love eek, for the love of faire Europe 
The which in forme of bole away thou fette"; 

Theh. VIII. 229 : " Hi mare Sidonium manibusque attrita 
Tonantis Cornua et ingenti sulcatum i^erea tauro." ix. 334: 
" Sidonis hie blandi per Candida terga iuvenci / iam secura 
maris, teneris iam cornua palmis / non tenet, extremis adludunt 
aequora plantis." 

Parlement of Foules. 

Professor Lounsbury ^ showed that Chaucer's stanza on occu- 
pations in dreams (11. 99-105) was borrowed from Claudian, 
In Sextum Consulatum Ilonorii Augusti, Praef. 11. 3-10. 

^See Tyrwhitt (Canterbury Tales, i. p. 120) and Skeat (ill. p. 394). 
'Studies in Chaucer li. 256. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 65 

It may be of interest to note that Petronius wrote a poem on 
the same subject (Fragm. xxx.). In it, the warrior, lawyer, 
raiser, sailor, and lover are said to dream about what engages 
their thought in their waking hours. See Skeat's note for 
references to other treatments of this theme. 

"The bilder oo!c and eek the hardy asshe; 
The piler elm, the eofre unto careyne; 
The boxtree piper; holm to whippes lasshe; 
The sayling firr; the cipres, deth to pleyne; 
The sheter ew the aspe for shaftes pleyne 
Tlie olyve of pees, and eek the drunken vyne, ; 

The victor palm, the laurer to de\yne " (176-82). 

Such is Chaucer's catalogue of the trees that grew in tlie 
]iark into which Scipio Africanus conducted him. If this list 
of trees, like that in the Knight's Tale (A. 2921), was suggested 
by the Teseide (xi. 22-24), then indirect influence of Statins 
may be claimed ; for Boccaccio's list was suggested by the 
Statius (Theb. vi. 91-99), who names 12 of the 18 varieties 
of trees mentioned by Boccaccio, and 7 of those which reappear 
in Chaucer's list : ool', asshe, ehn, holm, firr, cipres, ew. See 
the note to A. 2919. As Skeat observes, Chaucer extended 
his list by referring to the Roman de la Rose 1338-68. How- 
ever, only loviers, laurels, oliviers, olives, and trembles, aspens 
were necessarily taken from that source. For references to 
other tree-lists, see Skeat's note. 

Chaucer gives ook the epithet bilder. Statius probably had 
1!! mind the durable quality Avhich makes oak desirable for 
building purposes, when he wrote (Theb. vi. 96) " Situ non 
expugTiabile robur." 

'' The elm is called piler, perhaps because it is planted as a 
pillar of support to the vine," says Bell. Cf. Theb. vi. 99 " nee 
inhospita vitibns ulmus." Tes. xt. 24 " V olmo chi di viti 
s'innamora." Skeat compares Ovid M. x. 100 " amictae vitibus 
ulrai." Claudian, De Rapt. Pros. ii. Ill " pampinus induit 
ulmos." 

The sayling firr is called audax abies by Statius (Theb. yi. 
5 



!-)6 The Influence of Staiias upon Chaucer. 

971) by transferrence of epithet in accordance v/ith the classic 
comiuonplace that sailors are avaricious violators of nature's 
law: llor. Od. i. 3, 21 if., Oviu J/, i. 94 '' nondum caesa suis, 
peregTinum ut viseret orLeni, niontibus in liquidas pinus de- 
scenderat undas." Cf. Chaucer's rendering of these lines in 
The Former Age 1. 21 f. : — 

" No ship yit karf tlie wawes grene and blewo. 
No merchaunt j'it ne fotte outlandish ware." 

In support of Chaucer's epithet, compare further Claudian De 
Rapt. Pros. ii. 107 " apta fretis abies," Verg. Georg. ii. 68 
'' nascitur et casus abies visura marines," Aen. v. G63 " pictas 
abiete puppis." 

The cipres dcth to pleyne ; Archemorus' bier was appropri- 
ately made of cypress branches {Theb. vi. 54). '' Tristibus 
interea ramis teneraque cupresso / damnatus flammae torus et 
puerile feretrum / texitur." So Claudian, De Rapt. Pros. ii. 
108 " tumulos tectura cupressus." 

The olyve of pees; cf. Stat. Theh. ii. 389 " Ramus manifestat 
olivae legatum " ; also ii. 478. 

The victor palm; cf. Tes. xi. 24 '' d'og:ni vincitore / promio 
la palma," taken, as Skeat correctly observes, from Ov, M. x. 
102 " victoris praemia palmae." ^ Tydeus won the palm in 
a wrestling-match at the funeral games of Archemorus {Theh. 
VI. 880). 

Anelida and Arcite. 

This fragment, which seems to be the result of an unsuc- 
cessful experiment was, as Skeat observes (i. p. 529), probably 
written before the Knight's Tate. Theseus, who is here left 
riding on and on without ever reaching Athens (cf. 1. 45), is 

' It will perhaps not be without interest to note in passing that 
Boccaccio's source for representing Pleasure as the daughter of Cupid 
{Tes. VII. 54) was Apuleius, who was one of hia favorite authors. Cf. Met. 
vr. 24: "See rite Psyche convenit in manum cupidinis; et nascitur illis 
raaturo partu filia quam Voluptatem nominaraus." See Skeat's note to 
Pari. 214. 



The Infiiience of Statins upon Chaucer. 67 

rescued in the K. T., and becomes the champion of the Grecian 
women against the tyrant Creon. Chaucer follows Statins 
much more closely here than in the K. T., and, as some phrases 
found here are repeated there (cf. 1. 38 with A. 972), it is 
highly probable that he there adapted the introductory lines 
(22-70) of the Anetida, which describe the same situation. 
In each case the same lines of Statins (Theh. xii. 511) if.) 
head the story. 

The story proper (1. 71 ff.) is so mediaeval and Chaucerian 
in tone that one need hardly look for an original. That the 
poem had a classical source is very improbable. At any rate 
1. 21, 

" First folow I Stace and after him Corinne," refers only 
to the introductory part of the story (i. e., 11. 22-70). As the 
trend of research has been towards showing that Chaucer gives 
his references in good faith, we may accept his statement liter- 
ally. J^s"ow, since he has not deceived us in regard to his first 
author Stace, whom he follows in lines 22-46, why should we 
not believe that after liim he follows Corinne? Lines 50-70 
are copied from Boccaccio's outline of the Thebaid which 
Chaucer found very convenient in leading up to the point of 
departure for his story. I therefore suggest that Chaucer has 
twice ^ sjmonymized Boccaccio, in this instance by Corinne 
(cf. It. corina, wry fac«)."- 

' Ou the synonym Lollins, see p. 6. 

- Another possibility, though it seems to me a very slight one, is that 
after him means ' through him as authoritj^' In that case Corinne would 
be a remote reference to Korina, the famous Greek poetess, contemporary 
of Pindar. But it is very doubtful whether Chaucer, or any authority that 
could have come into his hands, could have gained the knowledge implied 
in order to make apt a reference to the Tanagran poetess, viz., that she 
wrote on the Seven Against Thehes\ Our sole source of this knowledge 
is Apollonios Dysoolos, who in his Ilept avTuvvfilas quotes from KdpLvpa iwr 
itrl Gij/Saty (Bergk: Poetae Lyrici Graeci. Lipsiae, 1882, p. .544). 

Though she was famous enough to be called 5?o Koplvm and inspired 
Pindar (Vita Metrica ex Eustathii Vita Pind. Excerpta, 1. 9 f. W. Christ: 
Pindari Carmina Prolegomenis ct Commentariis Instructa. Lipsiae, 1896, 
p. cii.) and overcame him in song (Pausanias, ix. 22, 3) and was numbered 
with the nine poetesses that constituted the human counterpart of the 



68 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Filippo Villani, a contemporary and for a number of years 
a fellow-to^vnsman of Boccaccio, wrote in Latin the lives of tiic 
famous men of Florence. He describes the poet thus: " Statii- 
rae fuit poeta pinguisculae sed procerae, rotunda facie, naso 
supra naves paululum deprcsso; lahiis turgentibus aliquantu- 
luni, venuste tamen lineatis, centra in mento, duni rideret, 
decore defosso, iocundus et hylaris aspectu, toto sermone facetus 
et comus/ [et] qui contionibus delectaretur. Amicos multos 
sua sibi diligentia comparavit, neminem tamen qui suae indi- 
gentiae subveniret '• (Solerti, Storia Letteraria d' Italia, Milano 
1904, p. 675). 

Boccaccio in his Lahirynthus A maris describes himself, says 
Papirio Masson (Solerti p. 733) : " primum ait se non esse 
exigua Gor])oris statura, vultu pulchro et eleganti, membris 
optime compositis, barba florida, oculis aspicienti gratissimis." 

These descriptions of Boccaccio's personal appearance, so far 
from alluding to the characteristic wry mouth that must have 
fastened the nickname Boccaccio upon an ancestor of the poet, 
indicate that he Avas rather a handsome man, and that his lips 
had a pleasing curve. But although the characteristic feature 
was not transmitted, it is probable that Chaucer understood th(^ 
import of the name Boccaccio and that he has here used an 
exact and euphonious synonym. - 

nine muses (Antipater, Anthologia Palaiina, ix. 26). still the essential 
bit of information that she wrote on the siege of Thebes was by no means 
widely known. 

See Herbert Weir Smyth: Greek Melic Poets, London, 1900, p. xx and 
p. 337 f. W. Christ: Gesch. dcr Griechischen Lit.. 3te Auil., Miinchen, 
1898, pp. 153, 170 (Miiller, Handiuch). Pauly, Real-Encycl. s. v. Corinna. 

^According to Guiseppe Betussi (1520-1573). Boccaccio's father had no 
cognomen except that which he took from his native place, Certaldo, a 
castle of Toscana, situated on a high hill near the river Elsa. Hence he 
called himself Boccaccio da Certaldo. The poet, dropping the local da 
Certaldo, took his father's first name as his own surname (Solerti, p. 703). 
However, cf. Am. Vis. i, " Giovanni di Boccaccio da Certaldo." 

For the attempted explanationss of Corinne, see Tyrwhitt's Glossary 
s. V. Corinne (Canterbury Tales, vol. v.), Lounsbury (Studies in Chaucer, 
II. p. 403 f.), Constans (Roman de Thebes ii. p. clvii, n. 2), Skeat's note 
to 1. 21, Hamilton (p. 144). 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 69 

" This olde storie, in Latin which I finde. 
Of queue Anelida and false Areite " (lOf.). 

These lines refer only to the introductory portion of the story 
(11. 22-70), and more especially to that portion borrowed from 
Statins (11. 22-46). However, lines 50-70 give the outline of 
the old story (the Thehaid) up to the point mentioned 1. 22 ff. 

Though Chaucer copies Boccaccio's words when he speaks of 
an olde storie in Latin (una storia antica . . . latino autor), 
he may be credited with knowing at first hand that Boccaccio's 
outline is correct. Skeat does Chaucer injustice in his note 
to lines 8-10; for Chaucer did find the story (11. 22-70) in 
Latin. He only chose to mention it in Boccaccio's words. This 
is the story which he summarizes immediately after his proem, 
a^ ailing himself of Boccaccio's partial summary. 

In his prefatory letter alia Fiametta Boccaccio speaks of the 
story of the Teseide as antichissima : '■" Trovata una antichissima 
storia, e al piii delle gente non manifesta, bella si per la 
materia della quale parla, che e d'amore, e si per coloro 
de' quali dice che nobili giovani furono e di real sangue discesi, 
in latino volgare e in rima acciocche piu dilettasse, e massima- 
mente a voi, che gia con summo titolo le mie rime esaltaste, 
con quella sollecitudine che conceduta mi fu dell' altre piu 
gravi, desiderando di piacervi, ho ridottay He implies {Tes. 
I. 2) that this "very old" story which he renders into Italian 
was originally in Latin: " una storia antica, / tanto negli anni 
riposta e nascosa, / che latino autor non par ne dica, / per quel 
ch'i' senta, in lihro alcuna cosa." Tyrwhitt {Introductory Dis- 
course, p. 121 of Canterhury Tales, vol. ii.), commenting on 
the statement of the preface quoted above, shrewdly observes 
that " the Story of Palemone and Arcita, as related by Boccace, 
could not be very ancient " ; but thinks it hardly credible that 
the story was of the poet's o^vn invention. I believe that 
Boccaccio is referring a love story of his own invention to the 
ancient period of the Thehaid which furnished him with his 
setting and which he kept before him from first to last while 
composing. The musty Latin ms. which he compliments so 



70 The Influence of Siaiius upon Chaucer. 

highly (che latino autor uon par ne dica) is probably the The- 
haid itself. Anyone who compares the Thehaid and the Teseide 
will be likely to hold the same view; for Boccaccio rimes the 
Thehaid in many passages of the Teseide which were not used 
by Chaucer and which therefore are not presented in this study. 
In fact, Boccaccio in his mediasval continuation of the Thehaid 
has found his plot in the one romantic episode not fully de- 
veloped by Statins, viz., in the conquest of Hippolyte. He 
discovers among the wounded at Thebes two knights of the 
Cadmian line, and modeling them after Eteocles and Polynices 
makes them fight for the kingdom of a lady's heart. As 
Hippolyte belongs to Theseus, the invention of her Amazon 
sister Emilia is an obvious step. 

Both Chaucer and Boccaccio probably mean that this old story 
is the foundation upon which they build. That newer part of 
Chaucer's story (1. TlfF.) which is thus introduced in a slye 
wey (1. 48) may possibly contain in disguise the history of 
characters who lived in his own day.^ 

" Thou ferse god of armes, Mars the rede. 
That in the frosty country called Trace 
Within thy grisly temple ful of drede 
Honoured art as patroun of that place, 
With thy Bellona, Pallas ful of grace, 
Be present, and my song continue and gye! 
At my beginning thus to thee I crye " ( 1-7 ) . 

^ Anelida, queen of Erniony, whose residence in Thebes would seem rather 
strange if she were Queen of Armenia, may be the queen of Harmonia, 
i. e., the queen into whose possession has come that baleful heirloom of 
the Cadmian line, the brooch of Thebes. The possession of Harmonia's 
necklace would motivate the queen's misfortune, cf. Compleynt of Mars 
(1. 259 f.);— 

" But be that wroughte hit enfortuned hit so, 
That every wight that had hit shuld have wo." 

Variant readings for Harmoniae at Theb. ii. 267, where the baneful neck- 
lace is described are: Ermiones, found in the Gudianus 52, a MS. of the 
14th century; and Armonid, Gudianus 54. See Kohlmann's critical appa- 
ratus. Gower (C. A., v. 1397) calls the daughter of Mars and Venus 
Armene. It is not impossible that Anelida is derived from anulata. 



The Infiuence of Statius upon Chaucer. 71 

Cf. C. T., A. 1000-74 and 2373-76 and the parallels there 
cited; pp. 193, 215; also: — 

" Siatc presenii, O Muite rnbicondo, 
Xclle tiie arvii vigido e fcvoce " (Tes. i. 3). 

Ferox as an epithet of Mars does not appear in the Thchaid; 
bnt cf. Marie feroci, Ovid M. 13, 11. Boccaccio invokes Mars, 
Venns, Cupid, and the Muses, hut Chaucer confines his invo- 
cation to deities of war. Statius mentions these three deities 
together (Theh. xi. 413): " Restinxit Bellona faces, longeque 
paventes / Mars rapuit currus, et Gorgone cruda virago /ab- 
stitit." Bellona showed her flaming torch and hurled her spear 
as a signal that the appointed time of war had come {Theh. iv. 
5 if.). Jove considered Pallas capable of conducting the The- 
ban vrar ; and, if Mars had refused to obey his commands, 
would have entrusted it to her charge (Theh. vii. 33). She 
was the patron deity of warlike Tydeus, who called her diva 
ferox, hellipotens (Theh. ii. 715). 

Skeat (note 1. 2) says Chaucer seems to confuse Pallas and 
Bellona as Boccaccio does in his De Genealogia Deoruni. How- 
ever, it may be said on Chaucer's behalf that the omission of 
ajid between proper names that are not in apposition occurs 
elsewhere in his works. ^ 

Pallas, not Bellona, is ful of grace. Bellona is atra (Theh. 
VII. 72) and sanguinea (Theh. ix. 297). Pallas is called decora 
by Diacont. viii. 30; and Statius, when he wishes to convey 
some idea of the great beauty of Argia and Deipyle, compares 
them to Pallas and Diana, i. 535 f. ; ii. 236 ff. 

' Boccaccio tries to distingiiisli between several Minervas, one of whom 
is Bellona (De Geneal. Deor. v. 48) : "Minerva, non ea cui cognomen Tri- 
tonia fuit, lovis Secundi fnit filia, ut scribit Tullius de naturis deorujn. 
Qnara idem Tnllius inventricem asserit fuisse bellorum atque principem, 
et ob id a nonnnllis Bellona appellata est et soror Martis et auriga. ut 
testari Statius videt dicens: Regit atra iugales Sanguinea Bellona mniiu 
longaque fatigat Cuspide." Cf. Theb. vir. 72. 

For an account of the Minerva (Tritonia) who sprang from the head of 
Jove. cf. Gen. Deor. ii. 3. 



72 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

When Chancer wrote tliy Bellona, he may have had in mind 
Statins' lines immediately following the description of the 
temple,^ where Bellona is mentioned as Mars' charioteer (vii, 
09): ''Mars himself glorious in llyrcanian blood, approaches 
iu his chariot; and dyes the plain with dripping gore. Weep- 
ing hosts bearing spoils follow in his train. The forests and 
the deep snow make way. Malevolent Bellona guides the steeds 
with bloody hand and goads them with her long spear." 

•* For hit ful depe is sonken in my minde. 
With pitous herte in English for tendyte 
This olde storie, in Latiyi vvliich I finde, 
Of quene Anelida and fals Areite, 
That elde, which that al can frete and byte, 
As hit hath freten mony a noble storie, 
Hath nigh devoured out of our memorie" (8-14). 

' A translation of Statius' description of Mars' grisly temple is here 
attempted. But those who would fully appreciate the liorrora of his 
abode should turn to the original (Theb. vii. 34ff. ), which so well justifies 
Chaucer's epithet. 

Jove angered at the delay of hostilities caused by the funeral games of 
Archemorus, sent Mercury to reprove Mars for neglect of duty. Bearing 
the message, Cyllenius was approaching the country of the Thracians. 
" Him, gliding over the regions of the north, the incessant tempest of 
that zone, and hosts of clouds blown across the sky, and fierce blasts 
of the north wind drive now this way, now that. Hailstones rattle on 
his golden palla; his Arcadian hat affords him scant protection. Here 
the temple of Mars (a horrible sight) appears in a forest bare of leaves 
at the foot of towering Haemus. A thousand whirling gusts rage around 
the wild abode. Its walls are built of iron; its threshold is fitted with 
doors of polished iron; iron columns support the roof. The light of 
Phoebus saddens into gloom before it settles there; even light from a sky 
overcast fears the gloomy seat; its baleful gleam darkens the stars. 

" The guards are worthy of the temple. From its doors leap forth furious 
Attack, blind Crime, blood-flushed Wrath, and pallid Fear. Within lurks 
Ambush with sword concealed. Discord there offers swords for two. The 
court re-echoes with countless threats; in its midst stands Valor exceeding 
sad. Gloating Rage and panoplied Death with blood-stained face are 
seated there. Only blood shed in war is sacrificed at the altars where 
burns fire snatched from burning cities. Round about upon the walls hang 
spoils from many lands; and captured nations grace the temple's dome. 
Embossed in iron are falling city gates. Here warships sail; there chariots 
speed along crushing skulls beneath their wheels. One could almost hear 
the groans. There, too, was seen portrayed every form of violence and 



Tlce Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 73 

This stanza, which is based on the Teseide t. 2, can not be 
paralleled from the TJiehaid; but should be quoted under the 
heading of indirect influence ; for Chaucer would not have 
adapted Boccaccio's statement had he not been familiar with 
the old storv to which Boccaccio refers. Besides, as noted 
above, Chaucer gives the reference new value by supplementing 
Boccaccio's outline of the Thehaid. 

" E' m' d venuta voglia con pietosa 
Rima di scriv&r una storia antica, 
Tanto negli anni riposta e nascosa 
Che latino alitor non par ne dica, 
Per quel ch' i' senta, in libro alcuna cosa " ( Tes. i. 2 ) . 

Similarly in the Legend of Good ^Yomen (421), Chaucer 
speaks of the story of Palamon and Arcite of Thebes as being 
little knoA\T;i. There, too, he is referring not to his early trans- 
lation of the Teseide, nor to the Teseide itself, but to the 
story to which Boccaccio refers in Tes. i. 2. This story is 
probably the Thehaid itself, the foundation upon which Boccac- 
cio built, not a later story containing all the essentials of the 
Teseide, as Skeat thinks. See his note I. c. 

" Be favorable eek, thou Polymnia, 
On Parnaso that, with thy sustres glade, 
By Elicon, not fer from Cirrea, 
Singest with vois memorial in the shade, 
Under the laurer which that may not fade. 
And do that I my ship to haven winne " (15-20). 

" Sorelle Castalie, che nel monte 
Elicona eontente dimorate 
D'intorno al sacro gorgoneo fonte, 
Sottesso Vombra delle frondi amate 
Da Febo, delle quali ancor la fronte 
Spero d'ornarmi sol che '1 concediate, 
Le sante oreechie a' miei preghi porgete, 
E quegli udiie come voi dovete " (Tes. I. 1). 

every kind of wound. On all sides, the god himself is imaged, always 
with fierce mein. such as Mulciber had portraj'ed him before the adulterer 
had been revealed by Phoebus' rays and had expiated his shameful amour 
when taken in the brazen net." 



74 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Chaucer seems to have transferred to Polyhymnia the province 
of history which belongs peculiarly to Clio. The form Po- 
lymnia (HoXv/xvlu) is found only in Anth. Led. 276, 7 and 
Auson. Idyll, xx. 7. Latin poets elsewhere use the longer 
form of the name. In the passages referred to Polymnia is the 
patroness of pantomimes. See Todd's De Musis, p. 41. 

The comparison between writing a poem and making a voyage 
is one frequently drawn, cf. Troll, ii. 1. Winning the harbor 
is a metaphor for successfully completing the poem. This com- 
parison is found in the Thehaid (xii. 809) and also in the 
last stanza of the Teseide. It is impossible to say from 
which author Chaucer took it. The figure is more elaborate 
in Boccaccio (Tcs. xii. 86) : — 

'■' E perocche li porti disiati 
In si lungo pileggio ne tegnamo, 
Da varii venti in essi trasportati, 
Le vaghe nostre vele qui caliamo, 
E li ghiilande e i doni meritate 
Con le ancore fermati qui aspettiamo, 
Lodando I'Orsa, che colle sua luce 
Qui n'ha eondotti, a noi essendo duce." 

Statius, however, furnishes a closer parallel to Chaucer: " Et 
mea iam lougo rncruit ratis aequore portmn'''' (xii. 809). 
Other instances of this metaphor are abundant ; cf . Stat. 8ilv. 
IV. 4, 88 : '' lara Sidonios emensa labores Thebais optato collegit 
carbasa portu "; Ovid A. A. ii. 9: " Mediis tua pinus in undis 
J^avigat, et longe quem peto, portus abest " ; also Fast. ii. 863 f., 
III. 789 f., IV. 18 ; Roman de Trole 14869-74. See Riedner's 
Diss. p. 57. 

Skeat notes that Chaucer seems to have gotten the notion 
that Helicon Avas a well ^ on Mt. Parnassus thus confusing it 
with the Castalian spring. Cf. //. F. 520 if. : 

^ Burns, too, regards Helicon as a spring: 

" 0, were I on Parnassus' Hill 
Or had of Helicon my fill "... . 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 75 

" And ye, me to endyte and rynie 
Helpeth, that on Parnaso dwelle 
By Elicon the clcre iceUe." 

Cf. also Trail, in. 1809 : 

" Ye sustren nyne eek, that by Elicone 
In hil Parnaso listen for to abyde." 

The source of Chaucer's error is probably Boccaccio, Tes. xi. 
Go, where the achievements of Apollo are represented on a 
shield received by Theseus as his prize in a wrestling match : 

" E quindi soito Vonihre graz'iose 
Sojjia Parnasso presso all' Elicone 
Fonte seder con le nove amorose 
Muse, e cantar maestrevol canzone." 

Boccaccio evidently forgot that he had called Helicon a moun- 
tain in the Teseide (i. 1) and in the GeneaJ. Deor. (De Mont.). 

With laurer loliich tliat may not fade may be compared 
Lucret. i. 118 f . : '' Ennius ut noster cecenit, qui primus amoeno 
Detulit ex Helicone perenni fronde coronam." According to 
Pliny H. N. xv. 30, 40, the best laurel grew on Parnassus ; 
so Vergil G. 2, 18 says Parnasia laurus. 

On Anel. 22-46, see p. 44. 

" Mais, which that through his furious course of i/re, 
The olde wrath of Iiino to fnlfille, 
Hath set the peples hertes both on fyre 
Of Thebes and Grece, everieh other to kille 
With blody spcres, ne rested never stille, 
But throng now her, nor ther, among hem bothe. 
That everieh other slogh, so wer they wrothe " ( 50-56 ) . 

" Ma Marte il quale i popoli lernei 
Con fur'ioso corso avie comniossi 
Sopra i Tebani, e niiseri trofei 
Donati avea de' pvincipi percossi 
Piu volte gia, e de' Greci plebei 
Ritenuti tal volta, e tal riscossi 
Con asta sangu.inosa fieramente, 
Trista avea fatta Vuna e Valtra gente" (Tes. Ii. 10). 



76 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Statius' description of Mars' furious course of ire in inciting 
the hosts to battle is found Theb. vii. 105-145 ; cf. especially 
131-9 : " Ut vero amentibus ipse Incidit et sacrae circum fasti- 
gia vallis Turbine praevectus rapido ter sustulit hastam, ter 
concussit equos, clipeum ter pectore plausit: Anna, anna (in- 
sani!) sua quisque ignotaque nullo More rapit, mutant galeas 
alienaque cogimt Ad iuga cornipedes ; f erus omni in pectore 
saevit Mortis amor caedisque, nihil flagrantibus obstat: Prae- 
cipitant redimuntque moras." 

The wrath of Juno was kindled against Thebes because it 
was the place of Jove's amours with Europa, Alcmene, and 
Semele. The river Ismenos reproaching Jupiter for allowing 
the death of Crenaeus says {Theh. ix. 421): " Huncne mihi, 
superum regulator honorem, Quod totiens hospesque tuis et con- 
scius actis (i^ec memorare timor) falsa nunc improba f route 
Cornua, nunc vetitam currus deiungere Phoeben, Dotalisque 
rogos deceptaque f ulmina vidi Praecipuosque alui natorum ? " 
Juno mentions other grievances of a similar nature (Theh. i. 
250 ff.) ; but her hate was especially aroused by Jove's com- 
pliance with Semele's request (i. 256) : " Illam odimus urbem, 
Quam vultu confessus adis, ubi conscia magui Signa tori toni- 
trus agis et mea fulmina torques." Cf. further C. T., A. 1329, 
1544, 1559; Theh. i. 11, iv. 672; vii. 156, 195, 663; x. 900; 
XI. 211; Tes. iii. 66; v. 56; ix. 44; iii. 1: 

" Poichfe alquanto il furor di Giunone 
Fu per Tebe distrutta temperato, 
Marte nella sua fredda regione 
Colle sue furie insieme s' 6 tornato." 

" For whan Amphiorax and Tydeus, 
Ipomedon, Parthonope also 

Were dede, avd slayn [was'\ proud Campaneus, 
And whan the wrecches Thebans, hretheren tivo, 
Were slayn, and king Adrastus hoom a-go, 
8o desolat stood Thebes and so bare, 
That no vnght coude remedie of his care" (57-63). 

" And whan the olde Creon gan espye 
How that the blood roial was brought adoun, 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 77 

He held the cite hi; his tiiamiyc, 

And did the gentils of that regioun 

To been his frendes, and d\YeIlen in the toun. 

So what for love of him, and what for awe, 

The noble folk were to the toune j^-drawe " ( 64-70 ) . 

" Perchiocche dopo Anfiaro, Tideo 
fitato era ucciso, e '1 buono Ippomedone, 
E similmente il bel Partenopeo, 
E piu Teban de' qua' non fo menzione, 
Innanzi e dopo al ficro Capaneo, 
E dietro a tiitti in doloroso agone, 
Eteocle e Polinice ognun fedito 
Morti, ed Adrasto ad Argo era fuggito" (Tes. li. 11). 

" Onde il misero regno era rimaso 
Voto di gente, e pien d' ogni dolore; 
Ma in picciol' ora da Creonte invaso 
Fit, che di quello si fe' re e signore 
Con tristo augurio, e 'n doloroso case 
Reed insieme il regno sno c Vonore, 
Per fiera crudelta da lui iisata, 
Mai da null' altro davanti pensata " [Tes. Ii. 12). 

Boccaccio in this epitome follows the order of events in the 
Thehaid. Amphiaraus was the first of the x\.rgive chieftains 
to meet his death. The Thebaid vii. 794 fF. describes the earth- 
quake which swallowed him up. Next Tydeus was slain by 
Melanippus, and in turn slew his enemy (viii. 716 if.). Hippo- 
medon was overcome by the angry torrent of the Ismenos (ix. 
440 ff.) and fell an easy prey to the enemy when he reached 
the bank ( ix. 526). The aid of Diana did not avail to save 
Parthenopaeus from the death decreed by Fate (ix. 711 If.). 
(Japaneus' contempt of the gods led him to challenge Jove to 
battle (x. 890 if.). ^ When Adrastus failed to prevent mortal 
combat between Eteocles and Polynices (xi. 420), he fled from 
Thebes. He was the sole survivor of the Seven. Creon's ciu- 

' It is inteve.sting to note that in the Ronian de Thchcs ( Mss. SPA) 
Capaneus does net meet his death during tlie siege directed by Adrastus. 
but in that directed by Theseus. And then he is not struck by lightning, 
but his head is crushed by a rock thro\\n froiii tlie top of the wall (II. 
10087-96). Ke is called ferns (Thcb. x. 257); ef. fiero {Tes. li. 11). 



78 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

delta referred to by Boccaccio was shown by his edict that the 
corpses of the Argives should not be buried (Thch. xii. 94 ff.). 

Canterbury Tales: Group A. 

Knightes Tale. Tyrwhitt pointed out that the K. T. is based 
on Boccaccio's Teseide,^ but it was Henry Ward's comparison 
of the Knight's Tale v/ith the Teseide that determined the ex- 
tent of Chaucer's obligation. Ward's results are indicated by 
marginal notes in the Six-Text Print of the Tales. From 
these notes it appears that only 270 lines are Iranslated from 
Boccaccio ; 374 more have a general likeness and 132 a slight 
likeness to passages in the Teseide.- Two errors in Ward's 
marginal notes may here be mentioned: The reference for A. 
893-900 is Tes. ii. 25 ; there is nothing in the Teiseide corres- 
ponding to A. 989-90. 

A minute comparison of several descriptive portions of the 
K. T. with the Teseide was made by J. Koch in the first chapter 
of an article first published in the Englische Studien (i, p. 
249 if.) and afterwards translated by the author for the Chaucer 
Soc. (Essays iv. pp. 357 ff.). 

The statement that Boccaccio kept the text of Statins before 
him and made extensive use of it needs no further proof than 
is to be found in the parallels now to be cited. There are still 
other borrowings ; for Chaucer did not use every passage of the 
Teseide that is due to Statins. 

The indirect influence of the Thebaid is extensive at the 
beginning of the K. T. (A. 859-996) ; for Boccaccio in the 
corresponding portion of the Teseide follows Statins very 
closely, as will partially appear from the passages cited below. 

" Wliylora, as olde stories telleii U3, 
Ther was a duk that highte Theseus; 
Of Athenes he was lord and governour, 

' Kissner, Diss., p. 6. 

- Furnivairs Temporary Preface, p. 104. 



Hie Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 79 

And in his tyuie smich a conquer our, 

That gietter was tlier noon under the sonne. 

Ful many a riehe contree had he wonne " (859-G4). 

Tes. I. 18: Teseo il lor signor possente Duca di Atene ; i. 99: 
Teseo alto duca d'x\tene; cf. Tes. i. 40, 109, 121. Statins' 
tribute to Theseus as a warrior is the epithet helliger (xii. 
546) : cf. indite Theseu (xii. 555). Besides conquering the 
ximazons and Creon, he was victorious over the notorious rob- 
bers Sinis, Cercyo, and Sciron. He killed the Marthonian 
bull, and slew the Minotaur; cf. TJieh. v. 431 f., xii. 607 ff., 
Legend 2136 ff. and 2443 ff. Cf. further Tes. i. 108 : acciocche 
mia fama fiorita Tra le genti dimori ; ii. 5 : La tua prodezza, la 
qua! gia sapea Ciaschedun regno; Ovid M. viii. 268. 

" What with his wisdom and his chivalvye, 
He conquered al the regne of Femenye,^ 
That whylom was y-cleped Scithia; 
And weddede the quene Ipolita, 
And hroghte liir lioom with him in his eontvee 
With muchel glorie and greet solempnitee, 
x\nd eek hir yonge suster Emelye " (865-71). 

TJieh. XII. 519: lamque doraos patrias ScytJiicae post aspera 
gentis Proelia, xii. 592 : Xon haec ego pectora liqui Graioruui 
abscedens, Scythiam Poutumque nivalem Cum peterem ; xii. 
761: '' ISTon cum peltiferis," ait, "haec tibi pugna puellis 
Virgineas ne crede manus " (cf. xii. 163) ; Tes. i. 109 ; Ippo- 
lita reina alta e possente. La quale il popol feimniniJe onora ; ir. 
Avg.: Questo secondo mostra il ritornare Che fe' Teseo di Scitia 
vincente ; i. 6: Al tempo che Egeo re d' Atene era. Fur donne 
in Scitia crude e dispietate. 

Theh. xii. 533: ISTec non populos in semet agebat liippolijie, 
iam blanda genas patiensque mar it i Foederis; xii. 539: Jiosti 
veniat paritura maritoj Tes. i. 99: Lppolita regina; i. 124: 
Fermarsi che esso (Teseo) prendesse lppolita per sua cterna 
sposa; II. 9 : Entro senza dimoro In mare, e insieme lppolita 

^ With Femenye, cf. Gower. 0. A. IV. 2140, v. 2548; Roman de Troie 
23283 ff., 256G3-704, 



80 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer, 

reina E tra piu donne ne menar con loro La bella Emilia, stella 
mattutina; ii. 18 : Teseo con vento fresco al siio viaggio Con- 
tento ritornava in verso Atene . . . e con colei che '1 suo cuor 
guida e tene Ippolita reina; i. 136: sorella alia reina, Emilia 
nominata la fantina; ii. 24: Con infinite d' uomini tumolto 
Dovunque gia con grida eran lodate L'opere sue magnifiche, 
e con gloria Le dicean degne d'eterna memoria. 

" And thus with victorie and with melodye, 
Lete I this noble duk to Atlienes vyde, 
And al his hoost, in amies, him bisyde " (872-4). 

Theb. XII. 520: laarigero suheuntem Tltesea curru Laetifici 
plausus missnsque ad sidera vnlgi Clamor et emeritis hilaris 
tuba nuntiat armis; xii. 541 dona trinmphi mirantur; Tes. ii. 
23: In diverse brigate festiggiando, A cavallo ed a pie erano 
andati Gli Ateniesi in ver di lui cantando Di varii vestimcnti 
divisati Con infiniti suoni oguun festando, E con esso in Atene 
rientrati. 

In lines 875-883 Chaucer summarizes the first book of the 
Tcseide, which is independent of the Thebaid with perhaps the 
exception of Tes. i. 47-77 where Boccaccio describes the battle 
which took place when Theseus attempted to land on the 
Scythian coast ; cf. A. 879 f : 

" And of the grete bataille for the nones 
Betwixen Athenes and Amazones." 

This battle may have been suggested to Boccaccio by a similar 
battle between the Lemnian women and the Argonauts, de- 
scribed by Statins (Theb. v. 335 ff.)- 1^ both cases there are 
around the harbor fortifications from which women, who have 
slain their husbands, send showers of arrows, stones and fire- 
brands upon the men as they attempt a landing. 

Having succeeded in landing and having put the Amazons to 
flight, Theseus then laid siege to the fortress of the Amazons 
(i. 80 ff.). When the city capitulated, he stipulated as one of 
the conditions of peace (i. 124) that TTippnlyta should become 
his wife. He married her in the temple of Venus (i. 134). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 81 

" This duk, of whom I make mencioun, 
When he was come almost unto the toun, 
In al his welc and in his moste pryde, 
He was war, as he caste his eye asyde, 
Wher that ther kneled in the hye weye 
A company e of ladies, tweye and tweye, 
Ech after other, clad in clothes Make; 
But sicich a cry and swich a ico they make, 
That in this world nis creature livinge, 
That herde swich another weymentinge; 
And of this cry they nolde never stenten, 
Til they the reynes of his brydel henten " (893-904). 

Cf. the parallels quoted for 11. 872-4 above. 

" E mentre eh' egli in cotal guisa giva, 
Per avventura dinanzi al pietoso 
Tempio passo, nel qual era 1' achiva 
Turba di donne in abito doglioso, 
Le quali, udendo che quivi veniva, 
Si si levaron con atto furioso, 
Con alte grida, pianto e gran romorc 
Pararsi innanzi al earro del signore " ( Tes. ii. 25 ) . 

Cf. II. 27 I'abito tristo; ii. 2Q in atri vestimenti ; ii. 37 I'abito 
scuroj Theh. xii. Ill nigrae regina catervae. Theh. xii. 540 : 
Paulum et ah insessis maestae Pelopeides aris Promovere gra- 
dum seriemqiie et dona triumphi Mirantur, victique animo 
rediere mariti. 

The temple of Clementia or Clemenza where the Grecian 
matrons made their plea to Theseus was in the city according 
to Statins and Boccacccio; cf. TJieb. xii. 481 ff. and Tes. ii. 17, 
24,-25. But according to Chaucer's version the duke did not 
enter the city; cf. A. 894 and 968. 

" What folk ben ye, that at myn hoom-cominge 
Peturben so my feste with cryinge? " 
Quod Theseus, " have ye so greet envye 
Of myn honour, that thus compleyne and crye? 
Or who hath yow niisboden, or offended? 
And telleth me if it may been amended; 
And why that ye ben clotlied thus in bhxk?" (905-911). 

" Chi son costor che «' iiostri licti accenti 
Co' crini spnrti battcndosi il petto, 
Di squallor pione in atri vestimenti, 



82 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

Tutte piangendo? come se 'n dispetto 
Avesson la mia gloria, all' altre genti, 
Siccome io vedo, cagion di diletto? 
Disse Teseo stupefatto stando " ( Tes. ii. 26 ) . 

Theh. XII, 543 : Atque ubi tardavit et ab axe superho Explorat 
causas victor poscitque henigno Ore preces. 

" The eldest lady of hem alle spak. 
When she hadde swowned with a deedly chere, 
That it was routhe for to seen and here, 
And seyde : " Lord to whom Fortune hath yiven 
Victorie, and as a conquerour to liven, 
Noght greveth us your glorie and your honour; 
But we biseken mercy and socour 
Have mercy on our wo and our distresse " (912-19). 

With 912 cf. 931. 

"A cui una rispose lagrimando: 
Signor, non ammirar 1' abito tristo 
Che innanzi a tutte ci fa dispettose, 
Ne creder pianger noi del tuo acquisto, 
Nfe d' alcuno tuo onor esser crucciose: 
Benchfe 1' averti in cotal gloria visto 
Pe' nostri danni ne faccia animose 
A pianger piil, ehe non facemmo forse 
Essendo pur dal primo dolor morse" (ii. 26-7). 

Theb. XII. 545 : Ansa ante alias Capaneia couiimx : Belliger 
Aegide, siibitae cui maxima laudis Seniina de nostris aperit Foi-- 
tuna ruinis. The mention of Fortuna by Statins may have 
suggested A. 915 f. 

'■ For certes, lord, ther nis noon of us alle, 
That she nath been a duchesse or a quene " (922f.). 

Tes. II. 28: E qualunque altra che tu vedi in qiiesta Turha, di 
re fu madre, o moglie, o suora, a figlia. Theh. xii. 548 : Non 
externa genus, dirae nee conscia noxae Turha sumus: domus 
Argos erat regesque mariti. 

"And, certes, lord, to abgden your presence, 
Here in the temple of the goddesse Clemence 
We han been wayti)>ge al this fourtenight " (927-29). 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 83 

Te3. n. 17: "Esse non vollon da nessuno onore, 
Ma solo il tempio cercar di Clemenza. 
E in quello con gravissimo dolore 
Stanclie e lasse fecion risedenza, 
Aspettando con lagrime il signore, 
Assai crucciose della sua assenza." 

Theb. XII. 481: Urbe fuit media nulli concessa potentum Ara 
deum, mitis posuit Clementia sedem; 512: Hue vulgo mon- 
strante loeum manus anxia Lernae deveniunt. In Statius, 
Evadne makes her plea seven days after the end of the siege 
of Thebes; cf. xii. 563: Septima iam surgens trepidis Aurora 
iacentes aversatur equis. 

" I wrecche, which that wepe and waille thus, 
Was ivJnjlom icyf to king Capaneus, 
That starf at Thebes, cursed be that day! 
And alle we, that been in this array, 
And maken al this lamentacioun. 
We losten alle our hoiisbondes at that toun, 
Whyl that the sege ther-aboute lay" (931-37). 

Tes. II. 28: Allora oltre si feo E vanes piii che nessun' altra 
mesta, Dicendo: sposa fui di Capaneo. ii. 29 : Davanti a Tebe, 
dove trista sorte Ciascun alto haron tolto ha con morte. Theh. 
XII. 545: Ansa ante alias Capaneia coniunx; 550: Quid enim 
septena moveri Castra et Agenoreos opus emendare penates? 
Nee querimur caesos (maritos) : haec bellica iura vicesque 
Armorum. 

" And yet now the olde Creon, weylaway ! 
That lord is now of Thebes the citee, 
Fulfild of ire and of iniquitee, 
He for despyt, and for his tirannye. 
To do the dede bodyes vileinye. 
Of alle our lordes, whiche that been slawe. 
Hath alle the bodyes on an heep y-drawe, 
And n'ol nat suffren hem, by noon assent, 
Neither to been y-buried nor y-brent. 
But maJceth houndes ete hem in despyt" (938-47). 

Tes. II. 30: Ma Faspra tirrannia di quel ch' ha preso II regno 
dietro a lor, cio n'ha difeso. ii. 31: II perfido Creonte, a cui 



84 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

piu dura L'odio che a morti non fece la vita, A' greci cor pi 
niega sepoltura, Crudelta credo mai piu non udita; E di qua 
I'ombre alia palude oscura Di Stigia ci ritiene ; ond© infinita 
Doglia ci assal tra gli altri nostri mali, Sentendoli mangiare 
agli animali. Theh. si. 648 : Et iam laeta ducnm spes elusisse 
duorum Res Amphionias alio sceptrumque maligna Transtulerat 
Tortuna manu, Cadmique tenebat lura Creon. xii. 558: quos 
vetat igne Creon Stygiaeque a limine portae. xii. 93 : accen- 
saque iterat violentius ira: ' Saevum agedum inmitemque vo- 
cent, si f unera Lernae Tecum ardere veto ; ' xii. 100 : ' Quare 
iterum repetens iterum que edico: saprema Ne quis ope et 
flammis ausit iuvisse Pelasgos.' 

" And with that word, withouten more respyt, 
They fillen gruf, and cnjden pitously" (948f.). 

Tes. II. 35 : Le lagrime non eran mai mancate, Perche parlasse, 
agli occhi di costei, Ma sempre in quantita multiplicate E 'I 
simil era all' altre dietro a lei. Theh. xii. 587: Dixerat; 
excipiunt cunctae tenduntque precantes Cum clamore manus. 

" This gentil duk doun from his courser sterte 
With kerte pitous, whan he herde hem speke. 
Him thoghte that liis herte wolde breke. 
Whan he saugh hem so pitous and so mat, 
That ivhylom tceren of so greet estat. 
* And in his armes he hem alle up hente, 

And hem conforteth in ful good entente; 
And swoor his ooth, as he was trewe knight, 
He wolde doon so ferforthly his might 
Up-on the tyraunt Creon hem to icreke ..." (952-61). 

Tes. II. 36 : E grave duol nel cuor gli venue quando Udi de' re 
la morte, e dopo alquanto Cosi rispose al dolorose canto, ii. 
37 : L'dbito scuro, e 'I piangere angoscioso, E '1 voi conoscer pe' 
vostri maggiori ; II ricordarmi il vostro esser pomposo, Gli agi 
e' dilette e regni e' servitori, E de' re vostri il regnar glofioso 
Hanno trovato ne' miei sommi onori A' vostri preghi lu.ogo, e la 
mutata Fortuna trista di lieta tornata. ii. 38 : Com' io credo 
jDoter far che sia dato Onor di sepoltura a cui donare Vi piacera : 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 85 

e V orgoglio ahassato Di colui fia che cid vl vuol negare. Pero se 
al male avuto pud conforto Porger vendetta, per me vi fia porto. 
II. 39 : Fortifieate gii animi clolenti Con isperanza buona, ch' io 
in giuro Prima che io e i miei baron possenti ci riposiam 
d'Atene dentro al iniiro, Di eio faremo interi esperimenti. 
Theh. XII. 588: Kubuit Neptunius lieros Permotus lacrimis. 
XII. 598: aiit Danais edice rogos, ant proelia Thebis. xii. 594: 
Victiiinne putasti Thesea, dire Creon ? 

" And right anoon, ivith-outen more ahood, 
His baner he displayeth, and forth rood 
To, Thebes-ward, and al his host bisyde " (965-7). 

Tes. II. 50 : Le insegne che ancora ripiegate ISTon eran, si rizzaro 
prestamente : E' cavalier colle schiere ordinate Dietro alia sua 
ciascuno acconciamente ne givano. Theh. xii, 596: 'Nulla 
mora est ' . . . Sic ait oblitus bellique viaeque labonim, Horta- 
turqiie suos viresque instaurat anlielas. xii. 611 : Continuo in 
pugnas haut solum accensa inventus. 614: Conveniunt ul- 
troque ducis vc.villa sequuntur. . . 

" No neer Athenes wolde he go ne ryde, 
Ne take his ese fully half a day, 
But onward on his wey that night he lay" (968-70). 

Tes. II. 49 : Teseo adunque, senza rivedere II vecchio padre o 
parente od amico, Uscl d'Atene, e non gli fu in calere D' Ippo- 
lita I'amor dolce e pudico, ISTe alcun altro riposo . . . E come 
egli era entrato nella terra, Cosi ne u^ci alia novella guerra. 
Theh. XII. 661: Noctem adeo placidasque operi iunxere tenehras. 

" And sente anoon Ipolita the quene 
And Emelye hii" yonge suster shene, 
Un-to the toun of Athenes to dwelle" (970-72), 

Tes. II. 40: Si rivolse ad Ippolita dicendo: . . . Dismonta, e 
col mio padre to starai Finche tornato me qui vederai. Theh. 
XII. 635 : Isset et Arctoas Cadmea ad moenia ducens Hippolyte 
turmas : retinet iam certa tumentis Spes uteri, coniunxque rogat 
dimittere curas Martis et emeritas thalamo sacrare pharetras. 



86 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

" Thus rit this duk, thus rit this couquerour, 
And in his host of chivalrye the flour, 
Til that he cam to Thebes, and alighte 
Faire in a feeld, ther as he thoghte fighte " (981-4). 

The combat between the two leaders is described Tes. ii. 59- 
66; cf. especially ii. 60: Poi (Teseo) tiitte in se sue forze rac- 
cogiiea, E furioso Ii si lascia andare Addosso a lui, e per tal 
forza il fere, che lo gitto per morto del destriere. Theh. xii. 
773: Sic fatiis (Theseus), et auras Dissipat hasta tremens; 
tunc qua subtemine duro Multiplicem tenues iterant thoraca 
catenae, Incidit : emicuit per mille foramina sanguis Impius ; 
ille oculis extremo errore solutis Labitur. Boccaccio's in se 
sue forze raccogliea is his rendering of extrema se coUigit ira 
(Theh. XII. 759). Tes. ii. 69: Laonde in fuga trista ed ango- 
sciosa, Siccome gente che piii non potieno. Si volson tutti, che 
nessun non osa Volgersi indietro ed insieme aspettarsi, Tanto 
di presso vidien seguitarsi. According to Statins, the Thebans, 
upon the death of Creon, invited Theseus to enter the city: 
Accedunt utrimque pio vexilla tumultu Permiscentque manus ; 
medio iam foedera bello, lamque hospes Theseus ; orant succe- 
dere muris Dignarique domes {Theh. xii. 782). 

" And to the ladyes he restored agayn 
The bones of hir hovisbondes that were slayn. 
To doon obsequies, as was tho the gyse " (991-3). 

Tes. II. 76 : Donne, gl' iddii alia vostra ragione Hanno prestata 
debita vittoria, E pero con dovuta oblazione Tenuti siam d' 
esaltar la lor gloria; Pero mettete ad assegiiizione, Cio che de' 
vostri f aceste memoria : Date alii vostri re V uficio pio, Secondo 
che avete nel disio. Theh. xii. 789 : Ecce per adversas Dircaei 
verticis umbras Eemineus quatit astra fragor, matresque Pe- 
lasgae Decurrunt . . . gaudent lamenta novaeque Exultant 
lacrimae; rapit hue, rapit impetus illuc, Thesea magnanimum 
quaerant prius, anne Creonta, Anne suos: vidui ducent ad 
corpora luctus. 

" But it were al to long for to devyse 
The grete clamour and the waymentinge 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 87 

That the hxdyes made at the brenninge 
Of the bodyes. . . " (994-7). 

Tes. II. 70 : Quindi de' corpi le parti raccoUe, Prima ne' fiuiin 
gli bagnavan tiitti, Po^ gli potieno sopra i roghi strutti; cf. ii. 
80. II. 81 : E'n cotal guisa la turha piagnente Con fuochi i 
morti corpi consumaro. Theh. xii. 797 : Non ego, centena si 
qnis mea pectora laxet Voce deiis, tot husta simiil vulgiqiie 
ducumqiie, Tot pariter gemitus digiiis conantihus aequem. Cf. 
further 800-807. Statins ends his epic by excusing himself 
for not describing the burial of the Argive chieftains. Here 
similarity of situation between the Teseide and Thehaid ceases, 
nevertheless many lines of Boccaccio's story of the prisoners 
Palemon and Arcita are due to Statins. In paralleling Chau- 
cer's account of Theseus' Amazonian triumph and Theban 
expedition with quotations from his sources, the close relation 
between Boccaccio and Statins at this point has been only par- 
tially brought out. With the exception of lines A. 915, 975, 
and 980, where Chaucer went back to Boccaccio's source 
for details, the Teseide is the immediate source for the 
opening of the K. T. (A. 859-996). However, a very 
important fact must be remembered, viz. : the Thehaid xii. 
519 S. (quoted in the ms. at the beginning of the Tale) deter- 
mined the starting-point of Chaucer's narrative. He begins 
with the description of Theseus' triumph ; and outlines the 
antecedent portion of Boccaccio's story. 

"... and the gvete honour 
That Theseus, the noble conquerour. 
Doth to the ladyes, whan they from him wente " (997-9). 

Chaucer may be thinking of Theseus' permission to the ladies 
to do as they pleased with Thebes, Tes. ii. 77 ; cf. 81. 

" He took his host, and hoom he rood anon 
With laurer crowned as a conquerour" (1026f. ). 

Chaucer here speaks of Theseus' crown of laurel which he 
omitted to mention in his description of the Amazonian triumph 
at the beginning of the Tale, but did not omit in the corre- 



88 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

spending description in the Anelida (1. 24 f.). Boccaccio does 
not mention the laurel crown in connection with the second tri- 
umph, but does so in connection with the first: Tes. ii. 21: 
corona d' allor; cf. Theh. xii. 520 laurigero . . . curru. 

"A worthy duk that higlite Perotheus, 
That felawe was un-to duk Theseus 
Sin thilke day that they were children lyte, 
Was come to Athenes, his felawe to visyte. 
And for to pleye, as he was wont to do, 
For in this world he loved no man so: 
And he loved him as tendrely ageyn. 
/S'o loel they loved, as olde bokes scyn. 
That whan that oon -was dead, sothly to telle. 
His felawe wente and soghte him doun in lielle " (1191-1200). 

Boccaccio tells of Pirithous' visit to Teseo, suo euro amico {Tes. 
III. 47 ff.) ; but does not speak of his entrance to Hades bv 
natural death. Chaucer found this mediaeval perversion of 
classical mythology ^ in the Roman de la Rose, 8186 ff., as 
Skeat observes. The lines are: — 

^ According to classical legend Theseus, the sworn friend of Pirithous, 
accompanied him to Hades to aid him in his daring attempt to carry 
off Proserpina as his bride. But Pluto bound both heroes to a rock where 
they remained until Hercules delivered Theseus, but left Pirithous. Chau- 
cer's use of the word felawe suggests that he knew from other sources 
that there was an oath of friendship binding Theseus and Pirithous. 
Statins (Theh. i. 474) compares the friendship between Tydeus and Poly- 
nices to that between Theseus and Pirithous, thus showing that the 
fidelity of the latter pair was proverbial : siquidem hanc perhibent post 
vulnera iunetis Esse fidem, quanta partitum extrema protervo Thesea 
Pirithoo. Statius again refers to the great danger Theseus incurred for 
the sake of his friend. Pluto, speaking of the invasion of his realm, says 
(viii. 53) : Me Pirithoi temerarius ardor Temptat et audaci Theseus 
iuratus amico. Cf. viii. 96: Nee Venerem inlicitam (crede his insignibus) 
ausi Intramus Lethen: fugiat ne tristis in antrum Cerberus, aut nostros 
timeat Proserpina currus. 

Lactantius in his note on Theh. viii. 53 says: Haec Pirithoi fabula talis 
est: Pirithous cum Proserpinam rapere suo matrimonio induxisset in 
animum, huius tarn seelerati consilii Theseum participera fecit. Quem 
cum amieitiarum intuitu Theseus ad inferos Proserpinam pointer rapturus 
secutus fuisset gravi sunt utrique damnati supplicio. Unde Virgilius: 
' sedet aeternumque sedebit infelix Theseus' (cf. Aen. vi. 617f. ). See 
Lactantius' note to Theh. i. 476; Roscher's Lexikon s. v. Peirithous ; and 
compare the note to Troil. v. 1488, p. 28. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 89 

" Si cum vesquist, ce dist 1' istoire, 
Pyiithoiis apres sa mort, 
Que Theseus tant ania mort. 
Tant le queroit, tant le sivoit. . . 
Que vis -en enfer 1' ala querie." 

" Alias ! y-brought is to confusioun 
The blood royal of Cadme and Amphioun; 
Of Cadmus, ichich that teas the firste man 
That Thebes bulte, or first the toun bigan. 
And of the citee first was crouned king " ( 1545-49 ) . 

Tes. IV. 13 : Anfione, Se tu, intanto che co' dolci canti Delia 
tua lira, tocca con ragione Per chiuder Tebe, i monte circiis- 
tanti Chiamasti, avessi immaginato questo, Forse ti sarie stato 
il snon molesto. iv. 14: Dove son ora le case eminenti Del 
nostro primo Cadmo? 

Allusions to Cadmus as the founder of Thebes are, of course, 
numerous in the Thehaid. Upon the occasion of Amphiaraus' 
fall to Tartarus, the Thebans celebrated their victory over the 
besiegers and sang psens concerning their origin {Theh. viii. 
227) : Nunc fata revolvunt Maiorum vetcresque canunt ab 
origine Thebas : Hi mare Sidonium manibusque attrita To- 
nantis Cornua et ingenti sulcatum I^erea tauro, Hi Cadmum 
lassamque bovem fetosque cruenti Martis agros, alii Tjriam 
reptantia saxa Ad chelyn et duras animantem Amphiona cautes. 
Cadmus, after his futile search for his sister Europa had per- 
petually exiled him from his native land, consulted the oracle 
of Apollo and was counseled to found a city. Lassa hos is the 
cow that directed him to its site, and fell agri Martis are the 
fields sown with the teeth of Mars' dragon. 

The line of Theban kings descended from Cadmus and Har- 
monia, daughter of Mars and Venus. When OEdipus solved 
the riddle of the Sphinx and married his mother, the royal line 
became confusus. Cf. Theh. i. 16 : Limes mihi carminis esto 
Oedipodae confusa domus. ISTote that Chaucer here, as else- 
where in the K. T., takes Boccaccio as a guide in using knowl- 
edge which he gained directly from the Thehaid. The Italian 
quoted above is not a sufficient source for the specific statements 
of Chaucer's lines. 



^0 The InfluencG of Statius upon Chaucer. 

"0 regne, that loolt no felawe have with thee! 
Ful sooth is seyd, that love ne lordshipe 
Wol noght, his thankes, have no fehiweshipe " (1624-26). 

Boccaccio is source for the last two lines, but Chaucer seems to 
have gone to Boccaccio's source for the first line. Tes. v. 13: 
Signoria j^e amore sta bene in Compagnia. Theb. i. 127: 
inde regendi Saevus amor, ruptaeque vices iurisque secundi 
Ambitus impatiens, et summo dulcius unum Stare loco, sociis- 
que comes discordia regnis. Compare Tes. v. 13 with Theb. i. 
46-130. 

" Right as the hunter in the regne of Trace, 
That stondeth at the gappe with a spere, 
Whan hunted is the leoun or the here, 
And hereth him come russhing in the greves, 
And breketh bothe bowes and the leves, 
And thinketh, ' heer cometh my mortel enemy, 
With-oute faile, he moot be deed, or I; 
For outlier I mot sleen him at the gappe, 
Or he mot sleen me, if that me mishappe ' ..." (1638 ff.). 

Bell acutely remarked : " This fine simile appears to have 
been taken from the Thebais iv. 494 " : Qualis Gaetulae stabu- 
lantem ad confraga silvae Venator longo motwn clamore leonem 
Expectat firmans animum et sudantia nisu Tela premens ; 
gelat ora pavor gressusque tremescunt, Quis veniat quantusque, 
sed horrida signa fremeyitis Accipit et caeca metitur murmura 
cura. Henry Ward showed that Chaucer has, in fact, com- 
bined two passages in the Teseide (vii. 106, 119), Strophes 
106 and 107 are a close adajjtation of the lines just quoted 
from Statius : E ciaschedun per se divenne tale, Qual ne' getuli 
boschi il cacciatore A' rotti balzi accostatosi, il quale II leon 
mosso per lungo romore Aspetta, e ferma in se I' aninio eguale; 
E nella faccia gela per tremore, Premendo i tell pier forza 
tremanti, E li suoi passi treman tutti quant i : Ne sa chi venga, 
ne quaV e' si sia, Ma di fremente orribili segni Riceve nella 
mente, che disia Di non avere a cio tesi gl' ingegni. Statius 
introduces the simile to depict the dread of Eteocles as to the 
answer of the oracle. Boccaccio uses it to portray the fear of 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 91 

Palemon and Arcita at the beginning of the tournament while 
Chaucer had transferred it to the occasion of their duel where 
it is much more appropriate. 

With lines A. 1641-2, compare Tes. vii. 119 : Qual per la 
hosco il cinghiar rovinoso, Poi ch' ha di dietro a se sentiti i 
cani, Le setole levate, ed ispumoso Or qua or la per viottoli 
strani Rugghiante va fuggendo fur'ioso, Raim rvmpendo,^ e 
schiantando sllvani; Cotale entro mirahihnente annato Palemon 
quivi da ciascun mirato. 

The resemblance between A. 1698-1713 and Theh. i. 438 if. 
is slight : in both instances a ruler stops a fight between two 
men, and demands to know who the combatants are (See Skeat's 
note to 1698). However, it is probable that Boccaccio, who 
is Chaucer's direct source for this description, adapted the 
general outline of the combat between Palemon and Arcita, 
alias Penteo (Tes. v. 75-87), from the description of the fisti- 
cuff between Tydeus and Polynices (Theh. i. 418-467). In 
both Statins and Boccaccio, we have consecutively: the ruler's 
interference, his asking who the combatants are, and their 
replies. Chaucer is nearer to Statins than to Boccaccio in one 
particular: Palemon like Tydeus would shift the blame upon 
his opponent. 

^ The words rami rompcndo in the original suggest, and the sense in 
the English demands, that breking be read instead of breketh (1. 1642) ; 
for the wild animal, not the man, breaks bothe boives and the leves, 
hence the verb should be coordinate tvith rtisshing. The scribal error is 
due to the ending of hereth in the line above. The Mss. uniformly suggest 
-eth: The Ellesmere, Hengwrt and Petworth read breketh; Cambridge, 
brekith; Lansdowne brekethe; Corpus, bereth. 

Similarly these six mss. are probably erroneous at C. T., B. 1749, where 
it wovild seem that aspcs, not waspes, should be read: 

Our firste fo, the serpent Sathanas 
That hath in lewes herte his waspes nest. 

The scribe evidently did not know that the aspis is one of the deadly 
serpents. Pliny, 77. N. 29, 65: Aspides percussos torpore et somno necant, 
omnium serpentium minime sanabiles. Augustine, In Psalm. 57, 14: 
Aspides erant, serpentes erant (ludaei) ; 13, 3: veneniim dolum dicit, 
aspidum autem, quia nolunt atidvre praecepta legis, sicut aspides nolunt 
audire verba incantantis. 



92 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

In describing the temple of Mars (Tes. vii. 29-37), Boccaccio 
follows Statins (Theb. vii. 34-73) rather closely just as he did 
in describing Theseus' Amazonian triumph. Chaucer (A. 
1967-2050), though he follows Boccaccio in the main, goes 
back to the ultimate source for additional details. Besides, 
many lines are independent of either source. 

" Why sholde I noght as wel eek telle you al 
The portreiture, that was up-on the loal 
With-inne the temple of mighty Mars the redel 
Al peynted toas the ival, in lengthe and irede, 
Lyk to the estres of the grisly place, 
That highte the grete temple of Mars in Trace, 
In thilke colde frosty regioun, 
Ther-as Mars hath Ids sovereyn mansioun" (1967-74). 

Tes. VII. oG : Ed era il tempio tutto istoriato Da sottil mano e 
di sopra d' intorno ; vii. 29 orribile ospizio ; vii. 32 : La luce, 
che abborriva il luogo rio. Theb. vii. 41 horrescitqxxe tuens. 
Tes. III. 1 Marte nella fredda regione; vii. 30: Ne' campi 
iracii sotto i cieli iberni. Theb. vii. 34: At Thracum Cyllenius 
arva subibat Atque ilium Arctoae labentem cardine portae. 
Tes. vii. 29 : La qual divenne di spavento muta Com' di Marte 
la casa ebbe veduta. Theh. vii. 40 : Hie steriles delubra notat 
Mavortia silvas ; vii. 42 : domus inmansueta. 

" First on the wal was peynted a foreste, 
In lohich ther dwelleth neither 7nan ne beste, 
With knotty knarry hareyn trees olde 
Of stubbes sharpe and hidous to biholde; 
In ichich ther ran a rumbcl and a sivough. 
As though a storm sholde bresten every bough" (1975-80). 

Tes. vii. ol: E 'n una selva steril di robusti Cerri, dov' eran 
folti ed alti molto, Nodosi ed aspri, rigidi e vetusti, Che d'ombra 
eterna ricuoprono il volto Del tristo suolo, e in fra gli antichi 
fusti. Da ben mille furor sempre ravvolto, Vi si sentia grandis- 
simo romore, Ne v' era bestia ancora ne pastore. Theb. vii. 
36 : Tempestas aeterna plagae praetentaque caelo Agmina nim- 
borum primique Aquilonis hiatus In diversa ferunt: crepat 
aurea grandine multa Palla, nee Arcadii bene protegit umbra 
galeri. Hie steriles delubra notat Mavortia silvas. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 93 

" And downward from an hillc under a bente, 
Ther stood the temple of Slavs armipotente, 
Wroght al of burned steel, of which thentree 
Was long and streit, and gastly for to see" (1081-4). 

Tes. VII. 32 : In questa vide la ca' dello Iddio Armipotente, e 
questa e edificata Tutta d' acciaio splendido e pulio . . . Tutta 
di ferro era la stretta entrata. Theh. vii. 41 . . . ubi mille 
furor ih'us illi Cingitiir averso domus inmansueta suh Haemo. 
Ferrea conipago laterum,, ferro apta teruntur Limina. 

Boccaccio says nothing about the configuration of this region 
of Thrace; and so Chaucer (A. 1981) goes back to the Thehaid 
(vii. 42) for this particular which makes his description more 
picturesque. Boccaccio's epithet for Mars, armipotente, was 
taken from the Thehaid (vii. 78) Armipotens. 

" The dores were alle of adamant etenie 
Y- clenched overthwart and endelong 
With iren tough; and, for to make it strong. 
Every piler, the temple to sustene, 
Was tonne-greet, of iren bright and shene " (1990-94). 

2Vs. VII. 3'2: E le porte eran d' eterno diamante. Ferrate d' ogiii 
parte tutte quante. Theh. vii. 68 : clausaeque adamante pbr- 
enni Dissiluere fores. Tes. vii. 33: E le colonne di ferro 
costei Vide, che I' edificio sostenieno. Theh. vii. 44: ferratis 
incumhwit tecta columnis. 

" The cruel ire, reed as any gledej 
The pykepurs, and eelc the pale drede" (1997 f.). 

Tes. VII. 33 : Videvi V Ire rosse come fuoco, E la Paura pallida 
in quel loco. Theh. vii. 48 : Iraeque ruhentes Exanguesque 
Metus. 

"The smyler with the knyf under the cloke " (1999). 

Tes. VII. 34: E con gli occidti ferri i Tradimenti Vide, e le 
Insidie con giusta apparenza. Theh. vii. 49 : occuUisque ensi- 
hus astant Insidiae. Anyone must admit that Chaucer's char- 
acterization of treachery is the best of the three. 

" Contek, with bloody knyf and sharp menace; 
Al fill of chirking icas that sory place" (2003 f.). 



94 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Tes. VII. 34: Li Discordia sedeva, e sanguinenti Ferri avie in 
mano, e di ogni differenza ; E tutti i luoghi pareano strepenti 
D' aspre minacce e di criidele intenza. Theh. vii. 50 : gemi- 
numque tenens Discordia ferrum. Innumeris strepit aula 
Minis. Chaucer renders aspre minacce by sharp menace; and 
uses it in a different connection referring it to conteh (Dis- 
cordia) . 

" Amiddes of the temple sat meschaunce, 
With disconfort and sory countenance" (2009f.). 

Tes. VII. 34: E 'n mezzo il loco la Virtu tristissiina Sedie di 
degne lode poverissima. Theh. vii. 51 : Tristissima Virtus Stat 
medio. Meschaunce supplants Virtus in Chaucer's adaptation. 

" Yet saugh I woodnesse laughing in his rage; 
Armed compleint, out-hees, and fiers outrage" (2011 f.). 

Tes. VII. 35 : Videvi ancora V allegro Furore E oltre a cio con 
volto sanguinoso La Morte armata vide e lo Stupore. Theh. 
VII. 52 : laetusque Furor vultuque cruento Mors armata sedet. 
By a curious anachronism, Chaucer makes the Knight speak 
as though he had seen in Theseus' temple all the illusive por- 
traiture of the real temple of Mars in Thrace as seen by Cylle- 
nius in the Thehaid or by Arcita's prayer in the Teseide. Cf. 
A. 1995, 2005, 2017, and 2028. The explanatory theory is 
that Chaucer's description has been " superficially modified " 
from his earlier translation of the Teseide.'^ 

"The tiraunt. -with the prey by force y-raft; 
The totin destroyed, ther was nothing \iiii" (2015 f.). 

Tes. VII. 36 : Eran le prede di notte e di giorno Tolte alle terre 
. . . Vedevansi le genti incatenate, Porti di ferro e fortezze 
spezzate. Theh. vii. 54 : . . . incensis qui raptus ah urhihus 
ignis. Terrarum exuviae circum et fastigia templi Captae 
insignibant gentes, caelataque feiTO Fragmina portarum. 

"Yet savigh I brent the shippes hoppestcres" (2017). 
^ See Koch, Chaucer Society ( Essays iv., p. 369 ff. ) . 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 95 

Tes. VII. 37: Videvi ancor le navi bellatrici. Thelj. vii. 57: 
hellatrices . . . carinae. Tyrwhitt explains shippes hoppe- 
steres as dancing ships, the noun hoppesteres which would mean 
female dancers being in apposition to shippes. ''It is a well 
known fact that a ship, in most languages, is considered as a 
female." He deems the idea of a ship dancing on the ivaves 
less proper in this passage than is that conveyed by bellatrici. 
Skeat adds that Chaucer probably mistook the word hellatrices 
in Statins or the corresponding word bellatrici for ballatrices or 
ballatrici. See his valuable note. 

" The carter over-ridcn loith his carte, 
Under the icheel ful lotce he lay adoun" (2022f.). 

Tes. VII. 37 : i voti earn, U volii guastati. Theb. vii. 58 : et 
vaciii currus protritaque curribus ora. Through Boccaccio is 
here translating Statins, his line is rather indefinite because 
he has neglected curnhus and because guastati is not, like 
2)rotrita, suggestive of trampling do\vn and grinding into the 
dust. Chaucer is probably following Statins who makes it 
clear that the two halves of the line are to be taken together. 
Statins waives further enumeration with the comprehensive 
terms adeo vis omnis et omne Vidnns (vii. 59). Chaucer with 
these words in mind adds (A. 2024) : 

" Ther were also of Martes divisioun. . . " 

Cf. Tes. VII. 37 : Ed ogiii forza cogli aspetti elati Ogni fcdita 
ancor si vedea lici. 

" The statue of Mars up-on a cai'te stood, 
Armed, and loked grim as he were tuood" (2041 f.). 

Tes. VII. 37: E 'n ogni loco nelV aspetto fiero Si vedea Marte 
torbido ed altiero. Theb. vii. GO: Ubique ipsum, sed non 
usquam ore remisso Cernere erat. vii. 70 : ipse subit cnrru. 

"With soiil pencel was depeynt this storie, 
In redoutinge of Mars and of his glorie " (2040 f.). 

Kolbing (Engl. Studien ii. 528) has pointed out that the 



96 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

adjective sotil is taken from Boccaccio Tes. vii. 38 : E tal ricetto 
edificato avea Mulcibero sottil Colla sua arte. Theh. vii. 61 : 
talem divina Mulciber arte Ediderat, said of the images of 
Mars upon the walls of his Thracian temple. 

Chaueer represents not only the embossed work in Statins' 
temple {Tlieh. vii. 02) ; but also the surroundings, its exterior 
and interior appearance together with the personified abstrac- 
tions (Theh. VII. 47 ff.) as peynted illusively upon the wall of 
the temple in Theseus' lists. 

That Chaucer combined sources in lines A, 1967-2050, as he 
did at the beginning of the Tale, is indicated by certain 
elements of his description which do not appear in that of 
Boccaccio, but which can be accounted for by referring to 
Statins: A. 1981 "And downward from an hille; " cf. averso 
. . . sub Haemo (Theh. vii. 42). The gloss impetus written 
above vese (A. 1985) in the Ellesmere and Hengwrt imss. is 
taken from the Thehaid (vii. 47). With first (A. 1995), cf. 
primis . . . e foribus (vii. 47). Cf. also A. 2027 f. with 
Theh. VII. 55: 

" And al above, depeyiited in a tour, 
Saw I conquest sittinge in greet honour; "' 

fastigia templi insig-nibant gentes. 

Though Chaucer has followed Boccaccio much more closely 
than Statins, yet he could not have given us such a clear account 
if he had not used Statins as a commentary on Boccaccio. 

" Ther maistow seen coming with Palamoun 
Ligurge him-self, the grete king of Trace" (2128 f.). 

But for the prominence of Lycurgus, father of Opheltes, in the 
Thehaid (Bks. iv., v. and vi.), he would not have appeared at 
Theseus' tournament in the Teseide, and consequently not in 
the K. T. Tes. vi. 14: II primo venne ancora lagrimoso Per 
la morte di Ofelte a ner vestito II re Licurgo; cf. Theh. iv. 741. 
Chaucer, however, led astray by his desire to go back to sources, 
has confused this Lycurgus, who was ductor Nemaea {Theh. v. 
733), with another king of the same name who ruled in Thrace 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 97 

and was inimical to Bacchus. Theh. vii. 178 : Quo sacra tamen 
litusque peremptae Gentis et, in tumulos si quid male feta 
reliquit Mater, abire iubes ? Thracen silvasque Lycurgi? 
Cf. Theh. IV. 386. Chaucer naturally supposed that Statins 
was in every case speaking of the same Lycurgus. Professor 
Skeat, too, fails to distinguish the two Lycurgi. See his note 
on this passage and also on the Legend 2423. 
Chaucer, describing Lycurgus, says (2140) : 

" In-stede of cote-armure over his hainays, 
With nayles yelice and brighte as any gold, 
He hadde a beres skin, col-black, for-old." 

Henry Ward indicates that this is taken from the Teseide vi. 
22 : ma legato D' orso un velluto cuoio con lucenti Unghioni 
al collo. Chaucer and Boccaccio here have in mind the ancient 
practice of gilding an animal's claws with gold when its hide 
was worn as a cloak. Cf. Theh. vi. 697 : Turn genitus Talao 
victori tigrin inanem Ire iubet, fulvo quae circumfusa Margine 
et extremos auro mansuerat ungues. Cf. further Theh. ix. 
685 f. and Tes. vi. 36. 

On the morning of the day upon which Emelye's husband 
was to be decided by the fortune of knightly battle, she went 
to the temple of Diana to sacrifice, and to enlist the aid of the 
virgin goddess (2289) : 

" Hir brighte heer ivas kempt, untrcssed al ; 
A coroune of a grene ook cerial 
Up-on hir heed was set ful fair and mete. 
Tico fyres on, the atiter gan she bete." 

Cf. Tes. VII. 72 : E hiondi crini dalli vel scoprissi. vii. 74 : 
E corond di cjuercia cereale, Fatta venire assai pietosamente, 
Tututto il tempio, e 'I suo capo altrettale . . . Sopra 1' altare, 
molto reverente Due roglii fece di simil grossezza. Chaucer 
is following Boccaccio's account of Emelye's actions and in 
preference to telling us just what sacrifices (Tes. vii. 75 and 
76) she offered after kindling the fires and before invoking 
the goddess, he simply adds : 
7 



98 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

" And dide hir tbinges, as men may biholde 
In Stace of Thebes, and thise bokes olde " (2293f. ). 

It will be shown below that this reference is given in good 
faith. ^ Chaucer wished to give at length Emelye's prayer; 
and he accordingly resumed Boccaccio's story (vii. 77), elabo- 
rating after his own manner the outlines taken from his 
original. By hir thinges Chaucer probably means such sacri- 
ficial rites as Boccaccio describes, Tes. vii. 75 : Quindi con pia 
man v' accese il foco E quel di vino e di latte innafiato, Per tre 
fiate tempero un poco: E poi 1' incenso prese, e seminato Sopra 
di quello riempie il loco Di fummo assai soave in ogni lato: 
E poi si fe' piu tortore recare, e 'I sangue lor sopra 'I fuoco 
spruzzare. vii. 76 : E molte bianche agnelette hidenti Elatte 
al modo antico ed isvenate Si fe' recare avanti alle sue genti, 
E traiti loro cuori e le curate, Ancor gli caldi spiriti battenti, 
Sopra gli accesi fuoclii V ha posate: E comincio pietosa nelF 
aspetto Cosi a dir come appresso fia detto. Perhaps Boccaccio's 
elatte al modo antico accounts for Chaucer's reference to old 
books ; but he knew whereof he spoke when he said such sacri- 
fices are described in the Thehaid. 

The Stygian rites performed by Tiresias and his daughter 
Manto in order to forecast the event of the Theban war (llieb. 
IV. 443 if.) are similar to those performed by Emilia in the 
stanzas above quoted. Wine, milk, honey, arid blood are poured 
into a hole dug in the ground (iv. 451 If.) instead of being- 
sprinkled upon the fire. Then three fires are built for Hecate, 
as many for the Furies, one for Pluto, and one for Persephone 

" Cf. Prof. Skeat's note: " //i. Siacc of TJiches, in tbe Thehaid of Statins, 
Avliere tlie reader will not find it." 

Liddell says: " Cbaucer seems anxious that tlie reader shall consider 
Statins as Jiis authority rather than Boccaccio. It is a common trick 
of his to mislead the serious-minded student. He is really following 
the Teseide vii. 76-90." Such a charge is often made. I believe Chaucer 
was honest in his references to his sources. Indeed, he was scholarly in 
his metliod. He is here referring to the only instance of a suppliant's 
visit to a shrine of Diana in the Thehaid, and he was aware that Boccaccio 
v»'as indebted to the same passage. 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 99 

(456 f.). Then the entrails of black sheep and cattle, still 
quivering ivith life are burned (466 f.). After Manto has 
performed these sacrifices, Tiresias invokes Hecate, Pluto and 
Tisiphone (473 f.). Similarly Emilia sacrifices, then offers 
her prayer : O Dea, a cui la terra e '1 cielo e '1 mare, E' regni di 
Pliiton son manifesti, Qualor ti piace di que' visitare {Tes. 
VII. 77). The three hearths built for Hecate (Thel. iv. 456) 
would suggest to Boccaccio that he mention the three abodes o£ 
Diana (vii. 77; cf. Verg. Aen. iv. 511). Most noteworthy is 
the fact that the rites performed by Emelye combine worship 
and augury just as do those performed by Tiresias. Cf. A. 
2355-7 and Tes. vii. 89. 

Chaucer probably knew also that Boccaccio was dependent 
upon another passage in Statius for hints of the description of 
Emilia's preparations to sacrifice as well as for the main 
features of her prayer. This passage records the actions of 
Atalanta on the morning of the day her son Parthenopaeus 
was slain (Theb. ix. 570 ff.). Indeed, lines 2273-4 indicate 
that Chaucer made direct use of the same passage, since Boccac- 
cio gives no time setting to the worship of Emilia: 

" Up roos the sonne, and up roos Emelye 
And to the temple of Diane gan hye." 

Cf. Theb. IX. 604: Arraigerae ruit ad delubra Dianae Bore sub 
Eoo. However, Chaucer may have transferred the time of 
Palemon's prayer to Emelye's. Tes. vii. 68 : Stetesi adunque, 
m.entre il mondo chiuso Tenne Apollo di luce, Palemone Dentro 
dal tempio sagrato rinchiuso Continovo in divota orazione. 

" Smoking the temple, ful of clothes faire, 
This Emelye, with herte debonaire, 
Hir body tcessh ivith water of a loelle" (2281-3). 

Tes. vii. 72 : E poi, in loco a poche manifesto, I)i fontano 
liquore il delicato Corpo lavossi. Theb. ix. 602 : Ergo vt in 
amne nefas merso ter crine piavit; cf. ix. 573 : Ante diem 
gelidas ibat Ladonis ad undas Purgatura malum fluvio vivente 
soporem. Atalanta purifies herself before going to the temple, 



100 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

whereas Emelye has servants carry spring water to the temple. 
With Jieer . . . untressed (A. 2289) cf. Crine dato passim 
plantisque ex more solutis (TJieh. ix. 5T2). 

" Whan kindled was the fyr, with pitous chere 

Un-to Diane she spak, as ye may here. 
' chaste goddesse of the wodes grene, 

To whom bothe hevene and erthe and see is sene.' ..." 

(2295-8). 

Tes. VII. 78 : Quivi chinata stette assai pensosa Poi la dirizzo 
tutta lagrimosa. vii. 79: E comincio con rotta voce a dire, 
O casta Dea, de' hoschi lustratrice La qnal ti fai a vergini 
seguire ; cf . vii. 77 : O Dea, a cui la terra e 'I cielo e 'I maj-e, E' 
regni di Pluton son manifesti. Theh. ix. GOG : Tunc limina 
divae Adstitit et tali neqniquam voce precatur: Virgo potens 
nemorum, cuius non mollia sig-na Militiamque trucem sexum 
indignata frequento ... ; cf. ix. 627: nemoralis Delia; vi. 
611 : Diva potens nemorum. x. 365 : Arcanae moderatrix 
Cynthia noctis, Si te tergeminis perhihent variare fgnris 
Numen et in silvas alio descendere vultu. 

" I am, thou woost, yet of thy companye, 
A mayde, and love hunting and venerye, 
And for to walken in the wodes wilde, 
And noght to been a wyf, and be with ehilde " (2307-10). 

Tes. vii. 81: lo sono ancora delle tue iscJiiere Vergine, assai 
pin atta alia faretra, Ed a' hoschi cercare, che a piacere Per 
amore a marito. Theh. ix. 616: Sic quoque venatrix animoque 
innupta remansi; cf. ix. 585-92 and 613. 

" And fro me turne aicey hir hertes so . . . 
And if so be thou wolt not do me grace . . . 
As sende me him that most desireth me" (2318 flf.). 

Tes. VII. 82: Attuta gli aspri e focosi vapori Che accendono il 
disio che si m' affeta De' giovanetti di me amadori. vii. 83 : 
E se i fati pur m' hanno riservata a giunonica legge sattostare. 
VII. 85 : Fa' che e' venga nelle braccia mia Colui a cui pin con 
voler m' accosto E che con piu fermezza me disia. Theh. ix. 
624. Da visere belli Victorem, vel, si ampla peto, da visere 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 101 

tantum! Thus both Atalanta and Emelje make alternative 
petitions. 

" And at the brondes ende out-ran anoon 
As it were blody dropes many oon " (2339 f. )• 

Tes. VII. 92 : E parean sangue gli accesi tizzoni Daccapo spenti, 
tututti gemendo Lagrime ta' che spegneano i carboni. Theh. 
IX. 596: Rorantes sanguine ramos Expirare solo. 

" Among the goddes liye it is affermed, 
And by eterne word write and confermed (2349 f.). 

Tes. VII. 89 : E gia net cielo tra gV iddii fermato. vii. 85 : E se 
gl' Iddii fors' hanno gia disposto Con eterna parola. Theh. ix. 
652: Utinam indulgere precanti Fata darent! ix. 661: Non 
hoc mutdbile fatum, says Apollo to Diana concerning the inevi- 
table death of Parthenopaeiis. 

"And forth she wente, and made a vanisshinge" (2360). 

Tes. VII. 90 : ma isnella Ciascuna a hoschi ginne onde venette. 
Theh. IX. 637: Illam diva ferox etiamnuni in limine sacro 
Expositam et gelidas verrentem crinibus aras linquit. 

Compare: The bittre teres that on my chekes falle (232Y) ; 
Di lagrime bagno la faccia bella (Tes. vii. 78) ; Fletuque soluto 
(Theh. IX. 635). Hunteresse (2347), le saette della faretra 
di Diana (Tes. vii. 90), venatrix (Theh. ix. 616). 

From the citations above it appears that both Emelye and 
Atalanta go to worship Diana because they are in great trouble 
on the morning of a day that is to bring misfortune. Each 
purifies herself by washing in water of a stream. Both per- 
form their rite with hair untressed. Emelye addresses Diana 
as chaste goddesse of the wodes grene; Atalanta begins her 
l^rayer: Virgo potens nemorum. In their prayers both wor- 
shippers make knoAvn their desire to live unmarried, and speak 
of their favorite pastime of hunting, i. e., they are faithful 
devotees of the goddess. Both pray that impending evil may 
be averted ; and make an alternative request in case the first 
should not be granted. Emelye saw drops of blood run out 



102 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

from the quenched brands of the altar fire (2339) ; Atalanta, 
in her foreboding dream of the previous night, saw the branches 
of an oak sacred to Diana broken and blood dripping from them. 
In either case, death was portended by the omen. The first 
request in both prayers was contrary to the decree of fate. In 
both instances the goddess, after hearing the prayer, vanished 
while the suppliant was still at the altar. 

"That other fyr was qiieynt. and al agon" (2336). 

To show that this was an evil omen, Skeat quotes Statins Theb. 
VIII. 630: Turbata repente Omnia cernebam, subitusque inter- 
cidit ignis. . . Quaenam haec dubia praesagia cladis ? where 
igtiis is the nuptial torch. Chaucer's source is the Teseide vii. 
92 quoted above (1. 2339). 

" O stronge god, that in the regnes colde 
Of Trace honoured art. and lord y-holde " (2373 f.). 

Tes. VII. 24 : forte Iddio, che ne' regni nevosi Bistonii servi 
le tue sacre case. Cf. the note to A. 1973. 

" For thilke peyne, and thilke hote fyr, 
In which thou whylom brendest for desyr, 
Whan thou usedest the grete beautee 
Of fayre yonge fresshe Venus free, 
And haddest hir in armes at thy wille, 
Al-though thee ones on a tyme misfille 
Whan Vulcanus had caught thee in his las, 
And fond thee ligging by his wyf. alias! " (2383-90). 

Tes. VII. 25 : Per quella pietade Ch' ebbe JSTettuno, allor che 
con disio Di Citerea umvi la hiltade, Rinchiuso da Vulcano, ad 
ogni Iddio Fatto palese; umilmente ti prego Che alii miei 
preghi tu non facci niego. Theh. ii. 269 : Lemnius haec ut 
prisca fides, Mavortia longum Furta dolens, capto postquam nil 
ohstat amori Poena nee uUrices castigavero catenae, Harmoniae 
dotale decus sub luce iugali Struxerat. iii. 271 : conubia caelo 
festa; Lemniacae . . . catenae. Cf. ix, 821. 

" Atid in thy temple I wol my baner honge, 
And alle the armes of tny compatiye; 
And evere-mo, unto that day I dye, 
Eterne fyr I wol biforn thee finde " (2410-13). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. . 103 

Tes. VII. 28 : 1 templi tuoi eterni s'orneranno DelV armi del mio 
vinto compagnone, Ed ancora le mie vi penderanno, E fievi di- 
segnata la cagione: Eterni fuochi sempre vi arderanno. The 
vow whicli Arcite promises to pay to Mars if lie wins Emelye 
in the tonrney is similar to that which Tydeus made to Pallas, 
saying that he would perform it in the event of his victory at 
Thebes (Theh. ii. 732-40); cf. especially: figamque superbis 
Arma tholis, quaeque ipse meo quaesita revexi Sanguine, quae- 
que dabis captis, Tritonia, Thebis (T33-5) ; pervigilemque focis 
ignem longaeva sacerdos ISTutriet (739 f.). 

" And eek to this avow I wol me binde : 
My herd, myn heer that hongeth long adoun, 
That never yet tie felte offensioitn 
Of rasour nor of shere, I icol thee yive" (2414-17). 

This promise also made to Mars by Arcite has several parallels 
in the Thehaid. Similarly Adrastus had promised his hair and 
beard to Jove in case value should be received. In his dis- 
appointment and grief, he sacrificed his beard to the manes of 
his son and upbraided Jove (Theh. vi. 178-86). Hypanis had 
vowed his beard to Phoebus, Polites his hair to Bacchus if 
granted safe return from war (Theh. viii. 491). Partheno- 
paeus had made a similar futile vow to Diana (Theh. vi. 585). 
Chaucer's source is Tes. vii. 28 : E la harha e i meie crin che 
offens'ione Di ferro nan sentiron, ti prometto. 

" The voys of peple touchede the hevene; 
So loude cryden they with niery stevene " (2561 f.). 

This description of loud applause is a classical commonplace. 
Cf. Theh. III. 593 : It clamor ad auras ; iii. 670 : Rursus fragor 
intonat ingens Hortantum et vasto subter volat astra tumultu. 
Cf. further v. 143 and vi. 426. Chaucer, however, is trans- 
lating Tes. VII. 14: De' nobile e del populo il romore Toccd le 
stelle, si fu alto e forte. Cf. Anelida 27. 

" Out of the ground a furie infernal sterte, 
From Pluto sente, at requeste of Saturne, 
For which his hors for fere gan to turne, 



i04 The Influence of Statins upon Chancer. 

And leep asyde, and foundred as he leep; 

And, er that Arcite may taken keep. 

He pighte him on the pomel of his heed. 

That in the phxce he lay as he loere deed" (2684-90). 

Chaucer here adapts Boccaccio {Tes. ix. 4-9), who in turn 
has combined two passages in Statins, Theh. i. 89-120 and vi. 
473-90, the latter of which represents a somewhat similar situ- 
ation. During the chariot race at the funeral games of Arche- 
morus, Phoebus, who desired to honor his priest with victory, 
raised from the ground a serpent-haired monster at the sight 
of which Arion, one of the horses yoked to Polynices' chariot, 
reared and plunged so that Polynices was thrown headlong to 
the ground and barely escaped alive. Thus in Statins, Boccac- 
cio, and Chaucer a deity sends a fury to frighten a horse and 
give an unexpected turn to a contest. 

Tes. IX. 5 : Venne costei di ceraste crinita E di verdi idre li 
suoi ornamenti Erano, a cui in elisio la vita Riconfortata avea, 
li qua' lamhenti Le sulfuree flamme che uscita Di hocca, le 
cadeano puzzolenti, Piu fiera la f acieno : e questa Dea Di serpi 
scuriata in man tenea. Cf. Theh. i. 89 : Inamoenum forte 
sedebat Cocyton iuxta, resoluta vertice crines Lamhere sulphu- 
reas permiserat anguihus undas ; i. 103 : Centum illi stantes 
umhrahant ora cerastae Turha minax diri capitis, i. 107 : 
Ingneus atro Ore vapor, i. 113 : Haec vivo manus aera ver- 
herat hydro. Cf. further Tes. ix. 6 with Theh. i. 97 f. and 
116 ff. 

Tes. IX. 7 : Costei nel chiaro di rassicurata ISTon muto forma, 
ne cangio sembiante. Ma gia nel campo tosto se n' e andata. La 
dove Arcita correva festante: E orribile com' era fu parata Al 
corrente destrier tosto davante, II qual per ispavento in pie 
levossi, Ed indietro cader tutto lasciossi. Cf. Theh. vi. 473 : 
Anguicomam monstri effigiem, saevissima visu Ora, movet sive 
ille Ereho sen finxit in actu Temporis, innumera certe formi- 
dine cultum Tollit in astra nefas. vi. 479 : 'Nam flavus Arion 
Ft vidit, saliere iubae, atque erectus in annus Stat. vi. 482; 
Ruit ilicet exul Aonius nexusque diu per terga volutus Exuit. 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 105 

VI. 488 : Tandem caligine mersum Erigit accursu comitum 
caput aegraque tollit Membra solo. Tes. ix. 8: (Arcita) che 
fu in forse allora delta vita Ahhandonar. 

" Anon he was y-born out of the place 
With herte soor to Theseus paleys . . . 
For he was yet in memorie and alyve, 
And alway crying afer Emelye " (2694ff. ). 

Skeat would compare Theh. viii. 636 &., where Atys mortally 
wounded is carried to the royal palace in order that he may 
die in the presence of Ismene, his betrothed. Theh. viii. 641 : 
Prima videt caramque tremens locasta vocabat Ismenen: nam- 
que hoc solum moribunda precatur Vox generi, solum hoc 
gelidis iam nomen inerrat Faucibus. It is doubtful whether 
Chaucer had Statius in mind, but Boccaccio may have had. 
Although Arcita is carried at once to the city; and does not, 
as in the Teseide, ride thither in a triumphal procession with 
Emelye beside him in his chariot, still Chaucer's lines are an 
adaptation of Boccaccio's insipid narrative {Tes. ix. 13-49). 
Cf. in order ix. 48, 13, 49, 25. 

Three days after his fall, Arcite's condition became alarming. 
His death is described A. 2743-2808. Skeat says this passage 
is certainly imitated from Statius' account of the death of Atys 
{Theh. VIII. 636-654). The extent of the resemblance is that 
a lover fatally injured calls for his betrothed and dies in her 
presence, with his gaze fixed upon her face, his last word being 
her name. Cf . Theh. viii. 642 : Ismenen : namque hoc solum 
moribunda precatur Vox generi, solum hoc gelidis iam nomen 
inerrat Faucibus. viii. 646 : Quater iam morte sub ipsa Ad 
nomen visus defectaque fortiter ora Sustulit ; illam unam 
neglecto lumine caeli Aspicit et vultu non exsatiatur amato. 
He sendeth after Emelye (A. 2762). 

" Dusked his eyen two, and failled breeth. 
But on his lady yet caste he his ye; 
His laste word was, 'mercy, Emelye!'" (A. 2806). 

Here, too, Chaucer is dependent rather upon Boccaccio, who in 



106 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

turn may have had in mind the death of Atys. Cf. Tes. x. 
Ill: E in verso Emilia i suoi occhi s' apriro Mirando lei. 
X. 112: Addio Emilia, e piii oltre non disse. 

" No man mighte gladden Theseus, 

Savinge his olde fader Egeus, 

That knew this worldes transmutacioun ..." (2837-9). 
" ' Right as ther deyed never man ' quod he, 

' That he ne livede in erthe in som degree, 

Right so ther livede never man,' he seyde, 
'In al this world, that som tyme he ne deyde. 

This loorld nis but a thurghfare ful of ivo.' " (2843-7). 

The role of comforter is here assumed by Egeus just as it 
is by Adrastus at Archemorus' funeral. The philosophic balm 
applied by both is much the same. Cf . Theh. vi. 46 : Solatur 
Adrastus Alloquiis genitorem ultro, nunc fata recensens resque 
hominum duras et inexorabile pensum. However, Chaucer 
is here adapting Boccaccio {Tes. 9-12), who has elaborated 
the passage in the Thehaid. Cf. particularly Tes. xi. 12 with 
Theh. VI. 51-53 : 

" Anzi cosi I'udivan, come il mare 
Tirren turbato ascolta i naviganti, 
O come folgor che scenda dall' are 
Per nuvoletti teneri ovvianti 
Dair impeto suo cura di ristare, 
Ma gli apre e scinde, e lor lascia fumanti : 

Ille quoque adfatus non mollius audit amicos, 

Quam trucis lonii rabies clamantia ponto 

Vota virum aut tenues curant vaga fulmina nimbos." 

Tes. XI. 9: Niuno potea racconsolar Teseo; xi. 10: Ma 
(Egeo) come savio, ed uom che conoscea. I mondan casi e le 
cose avvenute . . . per dare esempio a chiunque il vedea. Di 
confortarsi delle cose sute. x. 11 : Ed ingegnossi con parole al- 
quanto . . . Di voler temperare il tristo pianto. Ricordando le 
cose antichc e vere. Le raorti e' mutamenti e '1 duolo e '1 canto. 
L'un dopo I'altro spesso ognun vedere. Lines A. 2843-46, 
corresponding to inexorahile pensum are taken from the Tes. 
XII. 6. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. . 107 

Lines A. 28G3-29G2 correspond to the Teseide xi. 13-67 
which in turn is based on Statins' description of the funeral 
rites and games in honor of Archemorus (Theh. vi.). Upon 
considering an appropriate place of burial for Arcite, Theseus 
decided that in the grove where the lovers had fought their 
duel, 

" He wolde make a fyr, in which thoffice 
Funeral he mighte al accomplice" (2863 f.). 

Tes. XI. 13 : Ma penso che nel bosco, ove rancura. Aver sovente 
soleva d'amore. Faria comporre il rogo, dentro al quale. L'un- 
ficio, si compiesse funerale. Theh. vi. 1 : Nuntia multivago 
Danaas perlabitur urbes. Tama gradu, sancire novo sollemnia 
husto. Inachidas ludumque super. 

" And leet comaunde anon to hakke and hewe 
The okes olde, and leye hem on a rewe 
In col pons wel arrayed for to brenne; 
His officeres with swifte feet they renne 
And ryde anon at his coraaundement " ( 2865-69 ) . 

Tes. XI. 14 : E comando ch' una selva, che stava A quel bosco 
vicina vecchia molto. Fosse tagliata, e cid che hisognava Per lo 
solenne rogo fosse accolto . . , Mossonsi allora gli ministri tosto 
Per far aid che Teseo loro avie imposto. Theh. vi. 79 : Parte 
alia gnari monitis exercitus instat Augur is aeriam truncis 
nemorumque ruina Montis opus cumulare pyram, quae crimina 
caesi Angiiis et infausti cremet atra piacula belli. 8ternUur 
extemplo veteres incaedua ferro Silva comas . . . stat sacra 
senectae Numine, nee solus hominum transgressa veterno Fertur 
avos, iSTyniphas etiam mutasse superstes Faunorunique greges. 

" And after this, Theseus hath y-sent 
After a here, and it al over-spradde 
With cloth of gold, the richest that he hadde. 
And of the same suyte he cladde Arcite; 
Upon his hondes hadde he gloves whyte; 
Eek on his heed a crounc of laurer grene, 
And in his hond a swerd ful bright and kene " (2870-76). 

Tes. XI. 15 : El fece poi un feretro venire Reale a se davanti, e 



108 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

tosto fello D' un drappo ad or hellissimo fornire, E similmente 
ancor fece di quello II morto Arcita tutto Hvestire, E poi il fece 
a giacer porre in ello Incoronato di frondi d' alloro, Con ricco 
nastro rilegate d' oro. Theh. vi. 54: Tristibiis interea ramis 
teneraque cupresso Damnatus flammae toru^ et puerile feretrum 
Texitur. vi. 62 : 8umma crepant auro, Tyrioque attollitur 
ostro Molle supercilium. The following lines, which Kohlmann 
excludes from his text, may have suggested A. 2876 to Chau- 
cer: Spes avidae! quas non in nomen credula vestes Urgebat 
studio cultusque insignia regni Purpureos scepti^mque minus? 
(vi. 79). 

" And for the peple sJiolde seen him alle, 
Whan it loas day, he broughte him to the halle, 
That roreth of the crying and the soun " (2879-87). 

Tes. XI. 16: E poiche fu d' ogni parte lucente II nuovo giorno, 
egli 'I fece portare Nella gran corte, ove tutta la gente Come 
voleva il potea riguardare. xi. 30 : Ogni parte era gia piena 
di pianto; E gia V aula regia muggh'iava. Theh. vi. 25 : Clara 
lahoriferos caelo Tithonia currus Extulerat vigilesque deae pal- 
lentis habenas ; et I^ox et cornu fugiebat Somnus inani ; lam 
plangore viae, gemitu iam regia mugit Flehilis. Cf. vi. 42. 

" Tho cam this wofiil Theban Palamoun, 
With fiotery herd, and ruggy asshy heres. 
In clothes blake, y-dropped al with teres" (2882-4). 

Tes. XI. 30 : E Palemone di lugubre manto Coperto nella corte 
si mostrava Con rahhuffata harha e tristo crine, E polveroso ed 
aspro senza fine. Theh. vi. 30 : Sedet ipse exutus honoro Vitta- 
rum nexu genitor squalentiaque ora Sparsus et incultam ferali 
pulvere harham. 

" And, passing othere of weping, Emelye, 
The rewfuUeste of al the companye " (2885 f.). 

Tes. XI. 31 : E sopra '1 corpo misero d' Arcita Non men dolente 
Emilia piangea, Tutta nel viso palida e smarrita, E' circo- 
stanti pill pianger faoea. Theh. vi. 33 : Asperior contra plane- 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 109 

iusque egressa viriles Extemplo famulas premit hortaturque 
volentes Orba parens. Eurydice is the prototype of Emilia as 
Lycurgus is of Palemon. 

" In as muclie as the service sholde be 
The more noble and riche in his degree, 
Duk Theseus leet forth three stedes bringe, 
That trapped loere in steel al gliteringe, 
And covered with the armes of daun Arcite, 
Up-on thise stedes, that weren grete and whyte, 
Ther seten folk, of which oon bar his sheeld, 
Another his spere up in his hondes heeld; 
The thridde bar with him his bowe Turkeys, 
Of brend gold was the cas, and eek the barneys" (2887-96). 

Tes. XI. 36 : Ed accioche Teseo intero segno Del nohil sangue 
desse di costui ... xi. 35 : Quivi cavalli altissimi giiardati 
Per lid furon coverti nohilmente. E su vi fur delle sue anne 
armati 8ovra ciascuno un nohile sergente . . . Quivi faretre 
ed archi con saette, E piu sue vesti nobili e dilette. Theh. vi. 
72 : Inde ingens lacrimis honor et miseranda voluptas, Mune- 
raque in cineres annis graviora feruntur (Namque illi et 
pharetras brevioraque tela dicareat Festinus voti pater inson- 
tesque sagittas; lam tunc et nota stabuli de gente probatos In 
nomen pascehat equos) cinctusque sonantes Armaque maiores 
expeetatura lacertos. 

The nobleste of the Grckes that ther icere 

Upon hir shnldres carieden the bere, 

With slakke pas, and cijen rede and loete" (2899-2901). 

Tes. XI. 38 : Sopra le spalle li Greci maggiori II feretro levarsi 
lagrimando, E con esso d'Atene usciron fuori. Theh. vi. 121 : 
Longo post tempore surgit Colla super iuvenum (numero dux 
legerat omni) Ipse fero clamore torus. 

" Up-on the right bond wente old Egeus, 
And on that other syde duk Theseus, 
With vessels in hir hand of gold ful fyn, 
Al ful of honey, milk, and blood, and wyn " (2905-08). 

Tes. XI. 37 : Li piu nobili Achivi i vasi cari Di mel, di sangue 



110 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

e di latte novello Pieni portavan con lament! amari Sopra le 
bracccia precedendo quelle. Theh. vi. 119: Portant inferias 
arsuraque f ercula primi Graiorum. What was carried on these 
fercula was put to use later; cf. vi. 195: Pallentique croco 
strident ardentia mella Spumantes mero paterae verguntur et 
atri Sanguinis et rapti gratissima cymbia lactis. Chaucer's 
addition of wyn indicates that he was comparing Statins and 
Boccaccio. 

" Eek Palamon, with f ul greet companye ; 
And after that cam woful Emelye ..." (2909 f.). 

Even the order of the procession comes from Statins through the 
Teseide (xi. 40). Cf. Theh. vi. 123: Cinxere Lycurgum Ler- 
naei proceres, genetricem mollior ambit Turba. 

" Heigh labour, and ful greet apparaillinge 
Was at the service and the fyr-makinge, 
That with his grene top the heveyi raughte" (2913-15). 

Tes. XI. 18: Alta fatica e grande s'apparecchia, Cioe voler I'an- 
tico suol mostrare All' alto Febo della selva vecchia, La qual 
Teseo comando a tagliare Si andasse, accio ch' una pira par- 
ecchia Alia stata d' Ofelte possan fare: E, se si puote, ancor 
la vuol maggiore, In quanto fu piu d' Arcita il valore. By 
this comparison of Arcita's pyre with that of Opheltes, Boccac- 
cio gives Chaucer a clew to his model. Tes. xi. 26 : Adunque 
fu degli alberi tagllata Un rogo fatto mimhlemente Poco piii 
furo i monti accumulati Sopra Tessaglia dalla folle gente In 
verso 'I del mattamente levati, Che fosse quivi quel rogo emi- 
nente. Theh. vi. 79 : Parte alia gnari monitis exercitus instat 
Auguris aeviam truncis nemorumque ruina Montis opus cumu- 
lare pyrayn. 

" But how the fyr was maked up on higlite, 
And eek the names liow the trees highte, 
As ook, firre, birch, asp, alder, holm, popler, 
Wilow, elm, plane, ash, box, chasteyn, lind, laurer, 
Mapul, thorn, beech, hasel, ew, whippeltree, 
How they weren feld, shal nat be told for me" (2919-24). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. Ill 

Of the trees in this list, the following are mentioned by both 
Statins (Theh. vi. 91-9) and Boccaccio {Tes. xi. 22-24) : 

" ook, eaoni, escoli, cerri, Chaonium nemus, robur ; 
fine, abete, abies ; 
holm, ilici, iliacae trabes; 
elm, olmo, ulmus; 
ash, orni,* frassini, orni, fraxinus; 
beech, faggi, f agus ; 
ew, tasso, taxus ; 
alder, auno, alnus. 

Boccaccio names further lind and hasel (tigli and corilo). The 
rest were added by Chaucer. Cf. the note on Pari. 176, p. 65, 
also Skeat's note to A. 2863. 

" A^e hoiv the goddes roniien up and doun, 
Disherited of hir habitacioun, 
In which they woneden in reste and pees, 
Nymphes, Faunes, and Amadrides " (2925-8). 

Tes. XI. 25 : Donde la Terra sconsolato pianto 'Re diede, e 
quindi ciascun altro iddio De' luoghi amati si parti intanto, 
Dolente certo, e contra suo disio; E I'arbitro dell' ombre Pan, 
che tanto Quel luogo amava, e ciascun Semidio E' lor parenti. 
Theh. VI. 103 : Linquunt flentes dilecta locorum Otia cana Pales 
Silvanusque arbiter umbrae 8emideunique pecus, migrantihus 
adgemit illis Silva, nee amplexae dimittunt robora Nymphae. 
Chaucer here follows Statius rather than Boccaccio. Dilecta 
locorum otia is rendered by " habitacioun, in which they wone- 
den in rest and pees." Cf. Theh. vi. 88 and Tes. xi. 20. 

" A'e how the bestes and the briddes alle 
Fledden for fere, whan the loode was falle" (2929-31). 

Tes. XI. 21 : Al miserabil loco soprastava Tagliamento continovo, 
del quale Ogni si vide che vi stava ; E fuggl quindi ciascun 



^ Boccaccio gives his ash-trees an anomalous property by mistranslating 
his original. Tes. xi. 23: E gli orni pien di pece, nutrimenti D' ogni 
gran fiamma. Theb. vi. 93: Procunibunt piccae, flammis alimenta supre- 
mis Ornique. 



112 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

animate, Ed ogni ucello i suoi nidi lasciava, Temendo il mai 
pill non sentito male. The]?, vi. 89 : Aderat miserahile luco 
Excidium: fugere ferae, nidosque tepentes Ahsitiuiit (metus 
urget) aves. 

" Ne how the fyr was couched first with stree, 
And than with drye stokkes cloven a three, 
And than wdth grene tcode and spycerye, 
And than with cloth of gold and with perrye, 
And gerlandcs hanging icith ful many a flour, 
The mirre, thencens, with al so greet odour" (2933-38). 

Tes. XI. 27: El fu di sotto di strame selvaggio Agrestemente 
fatto, e di ironconi D' alheri grossi, e f u il suo spazio maggio ; 
Poi fu di frondi di molte ragioui Tessuto, e fatto con troppo 
piu saggio Avvedimento e di piii condizioni Di ghirlande e di 
fiori pitturato: E questo suolo assai fu elevato. Tes. xi. 28: 
Sopra di questi V arabe richezze, E quelle cV ofiente con odori 
Mirabil fero delle lor belezze II terzo suol composto sopra i 
fiori ; Qiiivi lo incenso, il qual giammai vecchiezze I^on conobbe, 
vi fu dato agii ardori, E "Z cennamo il qual piii ch' altro e 
durante, Ed il legno aloe di sopra stante. Strophe 28 corre- 
sponds to spycerye, mirre, and encens, with al so greet odour. 

The cloth of gold (2936) is accounted for by Tes. xi. 29: 
Poi fu la sommita di quella pira D'un drappo in ostro tirio 
con oro Tinto coperta. But as Boccaccio does not mention 
jewelry (perrye) in this connection, we have another indication 
that Chaucer had the Thehaid before him. Cf. gemmae 1. G2 
below. 

Boccaccio's stanzas (Tes. xi. 27, 28) are based on these lines 
of Statins (Theh. vi. 56) : Ima virent agresti stramina cultu, 
Proxima gramineis operosior area sertis,Et picturatus morituris 
foribus agger; Tertius adsurgens Ardbum strue tollitur ordo 
Eoas complexus opes incanaque glebis Tura et ab antiquo du- 
rantia cinnama Belo. Smnma crepant auro, Tyrioque attollitur 
ostro Molle supercilium, teretes hoc undique gemmae Inradiant. 
Xote that Statins is describing a bier, not a pyre as Boccaccio 
and Chaucer are. The materials, with the exception of the 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 113 

stohhes and the grene wade added by Boccaccio, are more suit- 
able for the bier. Absorption in his Italian original has here 
dulled Chaucer's sense of the artistic. It should be said further 
that stree (cf. A. 2918) is different from agrestl stmmina 
cultu, as is shown by virent. 

" Ne how that Enielye, as was the gyse, 
Putte in the fyr of funeral servyse; 
Ne how she swowned whan men made the fyr" (2941-3). 

These lines are based on Boccaccio (xi, 44), and were suggested 
by Statins (Theh. vi. 187) : lam face suhiecta primis in fron- 
dibus ignis: Exclamant (labor insanos arcere) parentes. Tes. 
XI. 44: Perche al rogo fatta piii vicina. Con debol braccio le 
fi.amme vi mise, E per dolore indietro risupina Tra le le sue 
donne cadde. Cf. xi. 40, il foco feral. Theh. vi. (184) : Sic 
fata repente Concidit, ahruptisque ohmutuit ore querelUs. 

"Ne what she spak, ne what was her desyr " (2944). 

As stated above, Eurydice is the prototype of the bereaved 
Emilia. The lament of the latter (Tes. xi. 41-3) bears some 
resemblance to that of the former {Theh. vi. 131-70). 

" 'Ne what leweles men in the fyr tho caste, 
Whan that the fyr was greet and bre^ite faste . . , 
And of hir vestiments, whiche that they were, 
And cuppes ful of wyn, and milk and blood, 
Into the fyr, that brente as it were wood" (2945-50). 

Tes. XI. 50: Le gemme crepitavano, e V argento, Che ne' gran 
vasi e negli ornamenti era, Si frondea tutto, ed ogni vestimento 
Sudava d' oro 7iella fiamma fera: E ciascun legno dell' assirio 
unguento Si f acea grasso e con maggior lumiera : E' meli ardenti 
stridevano in esse, Con altre cose allora in quelle messe. xi. 
48 : Militari arme con altri gioielU E tutti su li vi fece salire. 
XI. 51 : E le cratere di vini spumanti, E dell' oscuro sangue, 
e '1 grazi'oso Candido latte, tututti fumanti Sentieno ancora il 
foco ponderoso. Theh. vi. 191: Ditantur flammae; non un- 
quam opulentior illic Ante cinis: crepitant gemmae, atqiie 
immane liquescit Argentum, et pictis exudat vestihus aurum ; 



114 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

'NeG non Assyriis pinguescunt robora sucis, Pallentique croco 
strident ardentia mella, Spumantes mero paterae vergimtur et 
atri Sanguinis et rapti gratissima cymbia lactis. 

" Ne how som caste hir sheeld, and som hir spere " (2947). 

Tes. XI. 56 : Ed oltre a questo, chi vi gitto freno, Chi lancia, 
clii iscudo e qual balteo, Chi elmo e qual barbuta, e altri pieno 
Di saette turcasso e chi vi deo Archi e chi spade come me' 
potieno. Theh. vi. 209 : Raptumque suis libamen ah armis 
Quisque iacit, sen frena libet sen cingula flammis Mergere seu 
iaculum siimmae seu cassidis iimbram. 

" Ne how the Grekes with an huge route 
Thryes Hden al the fyr aboute 
Upon the left hand, with a loud shoutinge, 
And thryes -with hir speres clateringe; 
And thryes ho^o the ladies gonne crye" (2951-55). 

Tes. XI. 52 : Allor Egeo fe' far di cavalieri Ischiere sette di dieci 
per una, Armati tutti sopra gran destrieri, E ciascheduno aveva 
indosso alcuna Sua sopravvesta qual' era mestieri Di vestirlasi 
a quella festa bruna ; Delle qua' sette de' Greci i maggiori 
Furono allora li conducitori. xi. 53 : E a sinistra man cor- 
tando giro, Tre volte il rogo tutto intorniaro: E la polvere 
alzata il salir diro Delle fiamme piegava, e risonaro Le lance ch' 
alle lance si feriro. xi. 54 : Dieron quell' armi orrihile fragore 
Quattro fiate, ed altrettanto pianto Le donne dier con misero 
dolore^ E colle palme ripercosse alquanto. Theh. vi. 198 : Tunc 
septem numero turmas {centenus ubique Surgit eques) versis 
ducunt insignibus ipsi Graiugenae reges, lustrantque ex more 
sinistro Orhe rogum et stantes inclinant pulvere flammas. Ter 
curvos egere sinus, inlisaque tells Tela sonant, quater horrendum 
pepulere fragorem Arma, quater mollem famularum hracchia 
planctum. 

" Ne how Arcite is brent to asshen colde " (2957). 

Tes. XI. 57: II giorno inverso della notte andava E Vulcan lasso 
in ceneri recate Le cose avea che ciascun gli donava; Perche con 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 115 

acque, per cio ordinate, Da' Greci il rogo gia si saporava. 
Theh. VI. 212: Finis erat, lassusque putres iam Mulciher ibat 
In cineres; instant flammis multoque soporant imbre rogum. 

" Ne how the Grekes pleje 
The wake-pleyes, ne kepe I nat to seye; 
Who wrastleth best naked, icith oille enoynt, 
Ne who that bar him best, in no disioynt " (2959-62). 

Such is Chaucer's brief mention of the funeral games described 
in th Teseide (xi. 59-67). Boccaccio's description is imitated 
from Statius' lengthy account of the games in honor of Arche- 
morus. (Theh. vi. 274-921). On the wrestling-match, see 
Tes. XI. 62 and Theb. vi. 801 ff. Cf. unta palestra (Tes. xi. 
62), uncta pale {Theb. vi. 805), palaestras (vi. 808), postquam 
oleo gavisa cutis (vi. 822) ; also Tes. xi. 67: jSTe' fatti giuochi 
assai ben si portaro. 

There can be little doubt that Chaucer in describing Arcite's 
funeral, as elsewhere in the K. T. (A. 859-996 and 1967-2050), 
compared Boccaccio with Statius, although he has in this in- 
stance left but slight traces of such comparison (cf. notes to 11. 
2925, 2933). It will be observed that in these three descriptive 
portions of the K. T., Chaucer has followed Boccaccio's out- 
lines rather closely and that Boccaccio has, in turn, closely 
adapted Statius, even in translating certain passages. 



Group H. 

" Pleyen he ( Phebus ) coude on every minstralcye, 
And singen, that it was a melodye, 
To heren of his clere vois the soun. 
Certes the king of Thebes, Amphioun, 
That with his singing walled that citee, 
Coude never singen half so wel as he" (113-18). 

Tes. IV. 13 : Anflone, Se tu intanto che co 'dolci canti Delia 
tua lira, tocca con ragione Per chiuder Tcbe, i monti circus- 
tanti Chiamasti, avessi immaginato questo, Forse ti sarie state 
il suon molesto. Amphion's feat of building the walls of 



116 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Thebes by his enchanting music is often referred to by Statins. 
Theh. X. 873 : Humilesne iimphionis arces, Pro pudor ! hi 
faciles carmenque imbelle secuti, Ili (mentita din Thebarum 
f abnla) muri ? Et quid tarn egregium prosternere moenia 
molli Structa lyra ? Cf , i. 9 ; ii. 453 ff., and see the note to 
A. 1545. 

B. Through Le Roman de Thebes. 

A form of the Theban legend widely known in the middle 
ages was the Old French Roman de Thebes,^ whose anonymous 
author wrote about the middle of the 12th century (Constans, 
Thebes ii., p. cxviii). This poem gave rise to a number of 
prose redactions in the Old French (Constans ii. cxxiii ; also 
Legende, p. 315 ff.). Lydgate is known to have used such a 
prose Thebes as the chief source of his Story of Thebes 
(Koeppel, Lydgate's Story of Thebes. Eine Quellenunter- 
suchung, p. 65), and his master, Chaucer, in all probability, 
had accss to the same source. However, an examination of 
Chaucer's poems indicates that he followed the poetical version 
rather than a prose redaction based on the poem. There were 
many mss. of the poetical Roman, and one of the five now extant 
(ms. Spalding) was written in England in Chaucer's day (Con- 
stans 11.^ p. xix). 

The Thebaid-Thebes Problem. 

The relation between the Thebaid and the Roman de Thebes 
is a mooted question. Two opposing views have been advanced. 
Constans (ii.^ pp. cxix-xxii ; Legende, p. 277) and F. M. 
Warren (Mod. Lang. Assoc. Publicat., 1901, pp. 375-87) hold 
that there was a Latin prose version of the legend intermediate 
between the Thebaid and the Thebes. Paul Meyer, in his re- 
view of Constans' edition, opposed this theory (Romania xxi, 

^ Le Roman de Thebes public d'aprfes tous les manuscrits par Leopold 
Constans. Paris, 1890. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 117 

107). Criticising the preponderant authority given to ms. S. 
in constituting the text, he says: *' II resulte de ce classeinent 
que M. C. admet I'existence d'enormes interpolations, qui occu- 
pent une partie du second volume. II en resulte encore que 
la legon consideree par lui comme authentique est celle qui 
s'eloigne le plus de la ThebaJide de Stace. La lecon qui se 
rapproche le plus du poeme latin serait due a un auteur ' lege- 
rement pedant, qui altere la simplicite du poeme primitif par 
des remaniements d'une erudition affectee ' (p. Ixiv). Pour 
exj^liquer que la redaction premiere ait laisse de cote d'impor- 
tants episodes du latin, M. C. suppose que le poete a compose 
non d'apres la Thehdide, mais d'apres une version en prose 
latine, texte de I'existence duquel on n'a d'ailleurs aucune 
notion. Cette hypothese, visiblement imaginee pour les be- 
soins de la cause, avait deja souleve des objections, lorsque M. C. 
I'avait presentee pour la premiere fois dans sa these. Elle 
reparait ici sans preuve nouvelle." 

Warren says (p. 377) : " The author of Thebes rarely owns 
up to any literary obligation. He merely states he is trans- 
lating a Latin book ' called Statins,' because laymen could not 
read Latin. Cf. Constans, op. cit., ii. 106, 11. 27-30 : — 

" II le fist tout selonc la Ifetre 
Dont lai ne s6vent entremfetre; 
Et por chou fu li romans fais 
Que nel savoit hon ki fust lais." 

Cf. II. 267, 1. 191: 

" Et ke il fisent par grant grasse 
En un livre c'on di(s)t Estasse." 

Between Statins' epic and the mediaeval story of love and com- 
bat there are differences which a translator would hardly have 
introduced. The mythology of the Thehaid is quite suppressed, 
also many of its episodes, while some which are retained in 
outline are recast and modified. Wholly new episodes of a 
romantic nature are inserted. And these changes are not the 
result of any failure on the part of the author of the Roman 



118 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

de Thebes to carefully copy the incidents of his sources. He 
reproduces enough of the details of Statins to show that he was 
not rhyming from memory. Besides in the passage already 
referred to, he says he is translating a text. . . This text, the 
direct source of the French poem, could not in all probability 
have been the Thehaid itself because of the changes and modi- 
fications which the story has undergone in the Roman." 

My imperfect study of the problem inclines me to the view 
of Paul Meyer, The lines of the Old French quoted above by 
Professor Warren do not justify his inference. The author of 
the Thebes does not say he translates, nor does he say anything 
about his own method; but he describes his source, a ms. of 
Estasse, as one written in Latin so that the lai could not under- 
stand it. Thus the lines quoted are not a statement about the 
method of composition followed by the author of the Thebes, 
but they apply only to the author of a Latin ms. and attribute 
to him a purpose to write a book exclusively for the nobility. 
This description of the source as a book peculiarly suited to the 
nobility finds some basis in the Thehaid. A writer who wished 
to cater to the new French nobility might form the opinion 
that Statins did not write for the low-born (vilains, O. 1. 18) 
from such passages as Theb. i. 463 ff., where Tydeus and Poly- 
nices both proudly refer to their noble birth, also from the envoi 
in which Statins hopes the book may be well received by the 
emperor (xii. 814). Besides, the entire story is of a noble 
house (i. 17) and tells of the deeds of heroes (i. 41). 

Let us consider the other direct references to Statins found 
in the various mss. of the Thebes. Ms. C. 8905 refers to 
Huitasses (so ms. B. to Huitasce) as source for the terrible fate 
which overtook Capaneus. 

" Hors des herberges en la plaingne 
S'en ist de Griex bele compaingne. 
Capaneiia li preuz les guie: 
Sor lui fu toute la baillie. 8900. 
Tout droit a la cit6 les meine, 
M&s mout i regut male estreine: 
Le jour fu morz en t6l mani^re 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. . 119 

Qui seur toutes autres fu fiere, 

Si comme Huitasses le descrit, 8905 

Qui le voir en sot bien et dit. 

Some seven hundred lines are then devoted to a vivid descrip- 
tion of Capaneus' attack on Thebes, his scaling and rending 
the walls, his blasphemy and challenge to Jove, the coimcil of 
the gods, and Capaneus' death bv a thunderbolt. These lines are 
an elaboration of the Thehaid x. 827-936. ISToteworthy is the 
mention in both accounts of a former attack on the ruler of 
Olympus (Thehes 9589 C) : 

" Des la bataille des jaianz 
Ne fu m&s outrages si granz. 

Cf. Theh. X. 909 : Quaenam spes hominum tumidae post proelia 
Phlegrae ? 

IlToteworthy also is the fact that Capaneus, contemptor divum 
of the Thehaid, is portrayed fully in that character in mss. B. 
and C. of the Thehes. Cf. C. 9365 ff. : 

" Ne dieu de ciel ne dieu de terre 
Ne pueent pas soffrir ma guerre. 
Dieu ne deesse n'est el monde 
Que ma destre main ne confonde. 
and 9353: Ja n'ai d'eus touz poor ne dote; 
Ja n'en iert si pleinne la rote 
Que sempres desconfit ne soient, 
Et trestuit cil qui en eulz croient. 
Ma destre, m'espee, ma lance, 
Ce sont mi dieu, e'est ma creance." 

Cf. Theh. III. 615: Virtus mihi numen et ensis. Quern teneo! 
Statins is referred to as having described the manly sport of 
hurling the discus (ms. C. 2737) : 

" Torment redoutent icel jeu : 
Horn foibles n'i a point de leu. 
Si conme Estaces le raconte." 

Variants: A com lestore, P Wistasses, BC estace. This char- 
acterization gives y^eW the impression made by reading Statins' 
account {Theh. vi. 625 ff.), where we are told that five of the 



120 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer, 

contestants withdrew when they saw the immense discus chosen 
by Hippomedon. 

The most noteworthy reference to Estace, because of con- 
sensus of all the Mss., is Thebes 7818, where is described a 
wonderful gold cup embossed with the image of the sphinx: 

" ' Un guarnement avon ici : 
Cent mars d'argent vaut, que ne mente.' 
A tant la cope li presente. 
Oil prent la cope, I'uevre mire: 
Nus lion n'en set la fagon dire 
8i com dit li livre d'Estace, 
Li pomeaus en fu d'un topace: 
Onque nus hon ne vit son per 
Ne si bien assis ne tant cl6r." 

This is the cup described T795 : 

" Ma cope porte o tei d'or fin, 
Cele ou a peint el fonz un pin: 
En la cope a set mars et plus, 
Cine el covercle de desus." 

The uevre mire thus referred to in all the mss. is no doubt 
the sacrificial patera from which Adrastus poured a libation 
on the occasion of a traditional quadrennial feast to Apollo. 
This patera, an heirloom of the royal line of Argos since the 
time of Phoroneus, was embossed in gold with mythological 
scenes in such splendor as to call forth one of the notable bits of 
description in the Thebaid: 

" Postquam ordine mensae 
Victa fames, signis perfectam auroque nitentem 
lasides pateram famulos ex more poposcit, 
Qua Danaus libare deis seniorque Phoroneus 
Adsueti. Tenet haec operum caelata figuras: 
Aureus anguicomam praesecto Gorgona coUo 
Ales habet, iam iamque vagas (ita visus) in auras 
Exsilit; ilia graves oeulos languentiaque ora 
Paene movet vivoque etiam pallescit in auro. 
Hinc Phrigins fiilvis venator tollitur alls, 
Gargara desidunt surgenti et Troai recedit, 
Stant maesti comites, frustraque sonantia lassant 
Ora canes umbramque et nubila latrant 
Hanc undante mero fundens vocat ordine cunctos 
Caelicolas, Plioebum ante alios." (i. 539 ff.). 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 121 

The cover of the bowl is uniquely described by the author of 
the Thehes as being of a single topaz (in all mss. ; tospasse in 
P). The MS. of the Thehaid used by him may have read laspi- 
dis pateram instead of lasides pateram; or — what is more 
likely — he may have mistaken lasides as the name of a gem, 
by association with iaspis, just as he conversely (1. 5247) mis- 
took Culmina of Theh. viii. 357 for a proper noun. 

These are all the direct references to Statins. It will be 
noted that they are not limited to isiss. B. and C, which are 
admitted by Constans (ii., p. Ixiv, li, n,, cxx, cxxi, n.) to be 
representative of a recension whose author made direct use of 
the Thehaid. In like manner every reference to the story is 
consistent with the Thehaid itself. 

" Li plus seingnor et li plus mestre 
Firent le jeu de la palest (r)e: 
Ce est uns jeux, ce dit Vestoire, 
Dont cil qui vaint a mout grant gloire" (C 2695). 

This statement is warranted by Theh. vi. 801. Cf. especially: 
variae . . . laudes . . . Tydea magnanimum stimulis urgenti- 
bus augunt . . . Sed corde labores ante alios erat uncta pale. 
. . . Ergo ubi luctandi iuvenes animosa citavit Gloria, terri- 
ficos umeris Aetolus amictus Exuitur patriumque suem. Cf. 
Thehes 2702 : Si se despoullent trestuit nu, palaestras (Theh. vi. 
808). D'uile font bien lor cors enoindre (Thehes 2705) ; post- 
quam oleo gavisa cutis (Theh. vi. 822). 

" Li quiex que puet son p€r conquerre 
Tant que cheoir le fet a terre 
Cil a le los et la coronne 
Et gi'ant louier li rois li done. 
Ou par enging, ou par savoir, 
Couvient iluee victoire avoir" (C 2709). 

Turpia signata linquens vestigia terra Palmam autem dextra 
laevaque nitentia dono (Theh. vi. 879 f.) ; quaesita praemia 
laudum (vi. 884) ; Instat agens Tydeus fictumque in colla 
minatus crura subit (vi. 851). 

MS. A. 395 f. refers to the story for the manner of the death 
of Laius: 



122 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

" C'a .j. seul cop son pere ocist, 
Ensi comme I'estoire dist. 

These lines, as well as the peculiar phraseology of O. 202 ff. 
quoted below, are explained by Theh. i. 64 : trifidae in Phocidos 
arto Longaevum implicui regem secuique trementis Ora senis, 
dum quaero patrem. 

" Danz Laius i fu ocis : 
La teste i ot le jor coupee, 
Et ne fu par autrui espee 
Que par I'espee de son fil " ( 0. 202 ff . ) . 

Ms. S. reads: Le jor ot la teste colpe. Cf. S. 252: Si ad al rei 
le chief coupe. 

Besides references to Estace and to the story, there are 
unique details which can be explained only on the assumption 
that the French author used a ms. of Statins. The unfilial 
conduct of his sons which causes OEdipus to invoke Jove and 
Tisiphone to avenge the crime, is the core of Statins' plot and 
is found in all mss. of the Thebes. 

" Andous ses ueuz, qu'il ont trovez, 

Desoz lor pies les ont folez" (0. 503f. )• 
Cf. " Dans Jupiter, qui mes dix ies, 

A toi depri mout courecifis, 

Toi et dame Tezifone, 

Qu'en infer av6s poeste; 

De mes enfans a vous me claim, 

Si com as dix que je mout aim, 

Que ambedeus les destruisies, 

Car mes oex misent sos lor pies; 

Destruisies les ou tempre ou tart. 

Car felon sont de pute part." (A. 921 ff.) 
Cf. Ore sont mort andui li frere, 

Et pour le pechie de leur pere, 

Que il onques nul jor n' amerent, 

Et pour ses euls qu'il defolerent, 

Qu'il s'avoit trfet pour la dolor 

Que sa m6re ot prise a oisour." (C. 9811 ff.) 

Theh. I. 238: At nati (f acinus sine more!) cadentes calcavere 
oculos. 

In describing the beginning of the first battle, Thebes (O. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 123 

4343 ff.) chooses four pairs of combatants from the Thehaid 

(vii. 632 ff).: 

/ 

" Miceneon, Perif as ; Menoeceus, Periphanta 
Ypomedon, Sibart; Hipijomedon, Sybarin 
Parthonopeus, Itier; Parthenopaeus, Ityn 
Tydeus, Tenelaus de Sidogne; Tydeos, Sidonium Pterelan." 

In both accounts the first named of each pair is victor. 

Light is thrown on the relation between the Thehaid and the 
Thebes by a comparison of the two descriptions of the Theban 
army as it issues from the seven gates of the city. Statins says 
of the division coming from the seventh gate {Theh. viii. 357) : 

" Culmina magnanimus stipat Dircaea Menoeceus." 

The author of the Thebes, after assigning the same leaders as 
Statins does to the several hosts that go out from the first six 
gates, when he comes to the seventh gate (properly the Dirca- 
ean) curiously calls it Cidmes (Thebes 5247) : 

" Culmes ot non la setme porte: 
Desiis ot une tor mout forte; 
Par cele porte dareraine 
Vait on a Dirce la fontaine, 
Et vait chacier en la forest 
Li reis de Th&bes, quant li plaist. 
Meneceiis est de la vile 
Par cele porte, et sont set mile." 

Variants for Culmes, which is the reading of S, are: BCP 
Pulmes, A Erimes. The strong tower which defends this gate 
is mentioned at Thehaid x. 651: Dircaea . . . turre; and there 
too Menoeceus is at his post. 

Undoubtedly this mistake in the name of the seventh gate 
was made originally by an author who had the Thehaid before 
him ; and, if there are versions between Statins and him of the 
Roman, the mistake has been copied blindly. Since the author 
of the Thebes adds that men go out to the fountain Dirce by 
way of this gate, thus adding to his unique mistake a second 
feature accounted for by this line of Statins, it seems likely 
that he had the Thehaid before him and mistook Culmina for 



124 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

the name of the gate. These seven gates and their defenders 
mentioned in proper order with a unique variant detail in the 
description of the seventh pair oppose the idea of a hypothetical 
intermediary version. Constans, hov^^ever, (ir., p. cxxi) thinks 
his hypothesis of an abridged prose Thehaid is necessary to 
explain the details which the Boinan gives in regard to the 
gates and their defenders. For a full discussion of the names 
and locations of the gates of Thebes, see Constans, Legende, 
pp. 69, 76, 275 f. 

Mss. B. and C, redaction x in Constans' classification, are 
especially closely related to the Thehaid. Constans' explana- 
tory hypothesis is that the author of x used Statins in rehand- 
ling the O. F. original. From the citations made above, it will 
be seen that there are in mss. A., P., and S. also unique errors 
arising immediately from the text of Statins. It seems just 
as logical to say that such details of all mss. were in the one 
0. F. original as to say that some of them (those of B. and C.) 
were added to that original by an erudite redacteur. The 
reader may judge whether, if Constans' hypothesis is to be 
accepted, such resemblances as Cuhnina-Cuhnes and seciii . . . 
ora with la teste colpe, found in other mss. than B. and C, 
would not necessitate a second hypothesis of a second erudite 
redacteur. 

The Thebes begins with a free treatment of Laius, the oracle, 
CEdipus' exposure, the murder of his father, the marriage of 
his mother, discovery of his sin, his self-inflicted punishment. 
Then with the unnatural conduct of the sons in trampling on 
his eyes, the story falls in with Statins' account and follows 
it closely in its narrative features to line 2680. At this point 
is introduced the episode of Monflor (extending to 3465) which 
with the tedious episodes of Ravitaillement (7241-7642) and 
of Daire le Roux (7643-8600) may, as Constans suggests (ii. 
cxx, n.), be credited to the invention of the author of the 
Roman. But with these exceptions practically all the valuable 
basic topics of the narrative are due to Statins and are pre- 
sented in the main in the Statian order. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 125 

Some prominent details common to both narratives are these. 
The carbuncle on the tower at Argos {Thehes 630) is ex- 
plained by Theh. i. 380. Tydeus and Polynices are foretold 
as sons-in-law of Adrastus and mentioned in the prophecy as a 
lion and a wild boar {Thehes 812 ; Theb. i. 484). The daugh- 
ters of Adrastus are compared to Pallas and Diana for beauty 
(Thebes 955; Theb. i. 535). In defending himself from the 
fifty, Tydeus takes a position on the cliff once inhabited by the 
Sphinx (Thebes 1600; Theb. ii. 555). When he returns to 
Argos, he shouts out to Adrastus and the nobles : " Armez vos 
tost" (Thebes 1819); "Anna, arma viri . . . Arma para!" 
(Theb. III. 348). Amphiaraus foretells the outcome of the war 
and his o\vn doom (Thebes 2040; TJieb. iii. 624). Hypsipyle 
guides the thirsting army to the Langia, tells the story of the 
Lemnian women, neglects Archemorus, who is bitten by a ser- 
pent (Thebes 2090-2350; Theb. iv. 740 ff.). Jocasta and her 
daughters go to the Grecian camp to intercede in behalf of 
Polynices (Thebes 3767; Theb. vii. 470). The tiger, an 
animal sacred to Bacchus, is the immediate cause of hostilities 
(Thebes 4283 ; Theb. vii. 565). Though Thehes mentions but 
one tiger here (Statins mentions two), still verbal resemblances 
prove that he had the Thebaid before him. Cf. : 

Thebes. Thebaid. 

En la vile une tigre aveit, tigres (564). 
Soz ciel sa per on ne saveit. 

4285 Oir en poez grant merveille: quis credat? (572). 

Ele ne tochast une oeille, ipsa has . . . amabant armenta 

(572). 

Car privee ert a desmesure: mite iugum (565). 

Tote esteit fors de sa nature. oblitas sanguinis (569). 

Donissez 16 o char o pain, exceptant cibos (575). 

4290 El le manjast en vostre main; manus obvia paseit (574). 

De vin beiist plein un grant fuso horrenda supinant ora niero 

cuevre . . . (575). 

De la cite vers I'ost eissi. erumpunt (581). 

4.305 Li escuier qui abevroent aurigam . . . equos stagna ad vi- 

cinia trehebat ( 583 ) . 

Et qui par le champ bohor transiliunt campos (585). 
doent 



126 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Davant la vile Font ocise: ad portas . . . extantia ducunt spi- 

cula semianimes ( 596 ) . 
Por sauvage I'ont entreprise. sueta feras prosternere virtus 

(591). 

In spite of such verbal resemblances in serial order, Constans 
(ii. cxxii, n.) thinks the mention of one tiger instead of two is 
one of the modifications of Statins' version that can be explained 
only on the hypothesis of an abridged prose Thehaid standing 
between Statins and the Thehes. 

These are a few of the many details common to the Thebes 
and the Thehaid; perhaps they will suffice. It may be added 
that the heroes are killed off in the same order as in the The- 
haid. This is true in mss. B and C ; but APS make Capeneus 
survive until Theseus' siege— a point which alone suggests that 
B and C should be taken as the basis in constituting the O. F. 
original ; for the relation of the mss. to Statins is at least as 
important a criterion as tests of language. 

Besides the narrative framework, the romantic and striking 
features of the Thehaid are likely to reappear in the Thehes; 
as, Ismene's dream prophetic of the death of her lover Atys, 
fulfilled while she is relating it to her sister (Thehes 6203; 
Theh. VIII. 630) ; and the extreme hatred of the brothers shown 
by their fighting even on the funeral pyre (Thehes 10177; 
Theh. XII. 429). The only motif of the Thehes that seriously 
suggests an original other than Statins, one possibly common 
to the Thehes and the Teseide, is the statement, made in both 
these poems and inconsistent with Statins, that Thebes was 
burned. But this may well have entered both accounts inde- 
pendently and be due to a mediaeval confusion of the expedition 
of the Seven with that of the Epigones. 

All manuscripts of the Tliehes contain features so close to the 
text of the Thehaid as to make it probable that the original of 
all MSS. was dependent directly on Statins. Therefore the 
manuscripts (B and C) nearest to the Thehaid should be used 
as a basis in constituting the text of the French poem. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 127 



Did Chaucer Know the Roman de Thebes? 

Constans (it., p. clix) advances the opinion that Chaucer 
knW the Roman de Thebes or one of the French prose redac- 
tions of it. In siij^port of his claim, he adduces the following 
evidence. 

1. Polymites (Troll, v. 1488) and Parthonolope (v. 1503), 
corrupt forms of Polynices and Parthenopaeus, were taken 
from one of the prose versions. 

2. The mention of Thiodamas and loab as famous trum- 
peters (H. F. 1245 and C. T., E. 1719) is made upon an 
authority which, whether it be Latin or French, can not be 
earlier than the Middle Ages. A French prose version is a 
probable source. 

3. The romance of Thebes which was being read to Cri- 
seyde (Troil. ii. 100) contained at its beginning the history of 
CEdipus as does the poetical Roman. Cf. : 

" This romaunce is of Thebes, that we rede ; 
And we han herd how that king Laius deyde 
Thurgh Edippus his sone, and al that dede." 

This evidence is faulty at several points.^ 1. Partho- 
nopee, or Parthonope is the best Chaucerian spelling, being 
especially well supported at Troil. v. 1503, where Skeat 
records no variant. It is also the spelling of the Harleian 
7333 at Anelida 58, where, however, the variant form Par- 
thonolope is found in mss. Fairfax and Bodley. If this 
latter spelling is Chaucer's own, he may have found it in 
a prose Thebes; for the form Parthonolopeus occurs in the 
French prose Edipus, B. K. fr. 246 (D).^ If, however, the 
better attested form Parthonopee is what Chaucer wrote in 
both passages referred to, he probably took his spelling from 
the Latin argument of the Thebaid quoted (after v. 1498, 

^ For an elaboration of these objections, see Mod. Lang. Notes xvn, 
236-237). 

^ See Constans ii., p. clix, n. 



128 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Troilus) from the Latin ms. which he used as his source. This 
Latin argument contains the forms Parthonopeo and Foly- 
mitem, which account for Chaucer's forms. 

It is not improbable that Chaucer in the House of Fame was 
making use of lists which he found in a catalogue of persons 
famous for certain things. If he had no such source, it may 
well be that he himself was the first to join Joab and Thio- 
damas as famous trumpeters. It is nevertheless beyond doubt 
that he had in mind some authority who tells of an occasion 
upon which Thiodamas blew a trumpet at Thebes. ISTo such 
occasion is mentioned in the poetical Roman, nor has Constans 
located it in the prose redactions. 

3. In regard to Troll, ii. 99 ff., it should be noted that 
Chaucer could have gathered from the Thehaid information 
sufficient to write these lines. (Edipus in his prayer to Tisi- 
phone sketches his early history, referring to the murder of his 
father thus (i. 64) : trifidaeque in Phocidos arto Longaevum 
implicui regem secuique trementis Ora senis, dum quaero 
patrem. These lines together with other references which are 
found before the close of book vii, the point reached by the 
reader, would leave a clear impression of CEdipus' crime. 
Mercury, in obedience to the command of Jove, conducted 
Laius from the realm of the shades that he might induce 
Eteocles to usurp the kingdom (ii. 7) : Pone senex trepida 
succedit Laius umbra Vulnere tardus adhuc ; capulo nam lar- 
gius illi Transabiit costas cognatis ictibus ensis Impius, et 
primas Furiarum pertulit iras; It tamen et medica firmat 
vestigia virga. The god flew above scenes familiar to Laius ; 
ardua Cirrhae Pollutamque suo despectat Phooida busto . . . 
Ut vero et celsis suamet iuga nixa columnis Vidit et infectos 
etiamnum sanguine currus, Paene retro turbatus abit (ii. 
63 fP.). After delivering the message to his grandson, iugu- 
lum mox caede patentem l^udat et undanti perfudit vulnere 
somnum (ii. 123 f.). Again when Laius Avas summoned by 
Tiresias to reveal the ontconie of the v/ar, he angrily said (iv. 
630) : Ilium, ilium sacris adhibete nefastis, Qui laeto fodit 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 129 

ense patrem. These are all backward references to a combat 
which took place before the time at which Statins' story begins ; 
and it must be admitted, especially in view of other French 
touches in treating Theban material, that Chaucer's line may 
refer to a lively description of the combat itself. This is found 
in the story as told by the Roman de Thehes; cf. 1. 175 ff., 
and particularly : 

" Danz La'ius i fu ocis: 
La teste i ot le jor coupee, 
Et ne fu par autrui espee 
Que par I'espee de son fil " (202-05). 

Hamilton (Chaucer's Indebtedness to Guido, p. 92, n. 2) 
states : " In the Troilus, as in the other poems, Chaucer shows 
an acquaintance with a late recension of the Roman de Thebes.'''' 
For similarity in language and sentiment with Troil. v. 1849 ff. : 

" Lo here, of Payens corsed olde rytes, 
Lo here, what alle hir goddes may availle; 
Lo here, these wrecched worldes appetytes; 
Lo here, the fyn and guerdon for travaille 
Of love, Appollo, of Mars, of swich rascaille! " 

He quotes Thebes, 4337 ff. (ms. S) : 

" Ffors solement danz Jupiter, 
Qui tint un dart agu de fer. 
Mars fu dejoste lui a destre; 
La proz Pallas fu a senestre : 
Cil dui valent en bataille; 
Plus que toute I'autre raschaille." 

The resemblance of phrase is striking, though the sentiment, 
according to Hamilton, shows influence of Guido. But ad- 
ditional proof of the view held by Coustans and Hamilton is 
not wanting. 

The best indication that Chaucer used the Roman de Thebes 
is found in the Knight's Tale, in the introductory portion of 
which he seems to have tried to show what he could do in the 
way of combining sources. The Thebaid, Teseide, Thehes, 
and Knight's Tale all deal with the same situation : King Creon 
9 



130 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

has refused to allow the burial of the Argive dead that lie 
around the walls of Thebes; and the Argive women, who wish 
to perform the last rights for their relatives, seek aid from 
Theseus. 

According to that redaction (mss. SPA) of the Roman 
de Thebes used by Constans in constituting his text, there were 
but three survivors of all the thousands in the allied hosts that 
besieged Thebes, viz. : Adrastus, Capaneus, and the messenger 
who carried the sad news of defeat to Argos (9717). Upon 
receiving the message the Argive women resolve to go to Thebes 
to bury the bodies of their loved ones (9809). On their way 
thither they meet x\drastus and Capaneus returning from the 
battle. These two heroes turn back towards Thebes with the 
women (9891). While on their way, they see Theseus at the 
head of his army marching to crush a rebellious feudal lord 
(9905) ; and Adrastus runs to entreat him to champion the 
cause of the women against old Creon, king of Thebes (9937). 

Professor Skeat in his Glossary says caitifs (A. 924) means 
captives. In what way the women are captives does not appear 
in any of the accounts. But caitifs is appropriate if it be 
taken as a predicate adjective meaning wretched; for it then 
refers to their grief and squalor in contrast to their former 
regal splendor. This adjective may have been taken from the 
Thebes (9980), where chaitives is said of the suppliant women. 
Cf. " wrecched women" (A. 950). 

A. 938: The olde Creon; cf. Anelida 64. This adjective 
which Chaucer considers appropriate to Creon, is in the Thebes 
applied to him with the persistency of an epic epithet. Cf. 
Thebes, 5190: Creon li vieuz; also 5799, 8341, 10008, 10076 
C, 10664 A., 11091 S. 

A. 939: Of Thebes the citee; cf. Thebes, 9958: de Thebes 
la cite. However, this resemblance is significant only in con- 
nection with others where dependence is surer; for the line 
ends in a manner quite Chaucerian. Cf. B. 289, B. 3337, 
also Legend, 2404. 

(Creon) "Hath alle the bodyes on an heep y-drawe, 
And wol nat suifren hem, by noon assent, 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 131 

Neither to been y-buried nor y-brent " (944-46). 
Cf . " Creon leur vee sepou ( 1 ) ture ; 

Les gentilz hommes preuz et biax 

Ffet manger a cliiens, a oisia(u)x" (C. 10096-98). 

Cf. S. 11079 ff. Tes. ii. 31: Sentendoli mangiare agii animali. 

" And with that word, withouten more respyt, 

They fillen gruf, and cryden pitously, 
950 ' Have on us uvecched tvommen som mercy, 

And lat our sorwe sinken in thyn herte.' 

This gentil duk doun prom his courser sterte 

With herte pitous, whan he herde hem speke. 

Him thoughte that his herte ivolde ireke, 
955 Whan he saugh hem so pitous and so mat, 

That whylbm weren of so greet estat. 

And in his armes he hem alle up h&nte, 

And hem conforteth in ful good entente; 

And swoor his ooth, as he was trewe knight, 
960 He wolde doon so ferforthly his might 

TJp-on the tyraunt Creon hem to im-eke, . . . 

9935 Li dus chevauehe fierement 

Et bien conduit s'ost et sa gent: 

Reis Adrastus, quant s'aproisma, 

Reconut lui, vers lui ala. 

Tost deguerpi sa compaignie; 
9940 Al due en vait, merci li crie. 

Come il fu prfes, si descendie, 

Et vint corant vers lui a pie; 

Vers le due cort isnelement, 

A ses piez chiet mout humilment. 
9945 Quant a ses piez le vit li dus, 

De S071 cheval descendie jus: 

Merveilla sei que il aveit, 

Por go que il nel conoisseit. 

Reis Adrastus geseit a terre, 
9950 Le due teneit por merci querre; 

Merci li criot humilment, 

Et si plorot mout tendrement : 
' Sire,' fait il, ' por Deu merci ! . . . 

Guardez la sus en son eel mont, 

Femnes i a que grant duel font: 

Dolentes sont et esguarees, 
0980 Chaitives et maleiirees, 

Por lor amis, qui mort i sont; 

A grant esforz a Thfebes vont. 



132 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

Por eus veeir et enterrer 

Et sevelir et conreev, 
9985 Que ne les manjueent oisel, 

Chien ne leon, leu ne corbel. 

Cil de Th&bes ne lor lairont: 

Bien sai que il lor defendront. 

Por go requier vostre bonte 
9990 Et vostre grant nobilet6: 

Rendez as dames lor amis, 

Que cil de Thfebes ont ocis; 

Vengiez les de lor enemis, 

Merci aiez de nos chaitis.' 
9995 Ligentiz dus tot escota, 

En son cuer grant pitie en a: 

■ Pa?- la main prist rei Adrastus, 

De la terre le leva sus: 
* Sire reis,' fait il, 'sus levez: 
10000 Tot vos otrei quant que querez: 

Se non vos rendent voz ocis, 

A grant eissil en servant mis.' " 

In the passage quoted above, compare especially: 

Knight's Tale 949 with Thehes 9945 
" " 950 " " 9994 

" " 952 " " 9946 and 9995 f. 

" 957 " " 9997 f. 

Note also the exact progression in order of the corresponding 
lines and that the end of the entreaty of the Grecian matrons, 
K. T. 950 f., is practically a translation of Adrastns' appeal in 
their behalf, Thehes 9993 f. In mss. B. and C. Argia and 
Deiphyle make their petition directly to Theseus, who dis- 
mounts and lifts them from their suppliant position (10015 
C). In Chaucer's account the suppliants fall prostrate on 
the roadside when they make their plea; and the duke dis- 
mounts that he may raise them to their feet. These particulars 
are in the Thehes; but not in the Thehaid, nor in the Teseide, 
the only other possible sources. They are just such details 
as Chaucer would be likely to turn to account in his effort to 
give us the picture of an ideal mediaeval knight. 

Especially noteworthy is the fact that, in the story as told 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 



133 



by Statins and Boccaccio, Theseus rides in a triumphal chariot 
whereas in the Thehes and in Chaucer he rides horseback:— 

A. 904: "Til they the reynes of his brydel henten." 

952: "This gentil duk doun from his courser sterte." 

Cf. Thehes 9946: De son cheval descendie jus. Theh. xii. 
520 laurigero . . . curru (cf. 543). Tes, ii. 22: Teseo adun- 
que come fu smontato Di mare in terra, in sul carro salio (cf. 

II. 24). 

For Italian parallels to K. T. 954-56 and 958-61, which are 
due to the Teseide rather than to the Thehes, see p. 84. 

There is nothing in the Thehaid or the Teseide corresponding 
to A. 987 f.: 

" And by assaut he wan the citee after, 
And rente adoun bothe wal, and sparre, and rafter." 

In the Thehaid hostilities ended with the slaying of Creon; 
and the inhabitants, freed from the tyrant, invited Theseus to 
enter the city (xii. 782 ff.). In the Teseide the old men, 
women, and children left the city and followed the scattered 
and fleeing Theban army through the surrounding mountains 
so that Theseus found no one to oppose his entrance to the 
city (ii. 71-73). In the Thehes, however, the city was won 
by assault: the walls and towers were thrown down, the city 
set on fire, and the men made prisoners (10073 if.) : 

" Li dus assaut mout vassament 
La cite o tote sa gent; 
10075 II meismes o un mouton 

Les murs quassot tot environ: 

Done veissez femnes ramper, 

O mauz d'acier les murs fausser; * 

^MS. C. 10460 reads: A maus d'aeier, a pis agus, with which should 
be compared a passage in which Lydgate may be referring directly to 
the poetical Roman (Story of Thehes, i., p. 605, Chalmers' Eng. Poets) : 

" Yet as some authors make nientioun. 
Or Theseus entred into the toun. 
The women first with pekois and with malles, 
With great labour beat downe the walles, 



134 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

Le mortier gratent trop fortement, 
10080 Pertus i firent plus du cent. . . 
10117 Les dames sont de I'autre part, 

De ceus dedenz n'ont nul reguart: 

Tant ont bechig et tant grat6 
10120 Que le fort mur ont esfondre; 
' Devers eles ont fait pertus, 

Pleine peiche escravente jus. 

Sor la tor uns arbalestiers 

S'en aperciit trestoz premiers, 

Si comenga fort a huchier 

Que mout sont prfes de I'aprochier: 
' Veez les murs escraventer 

Et ceus defers dedenz entrer! ' 

Li gentiz dus, quant I'entendi^, 
10130 Dreit al pertus a fort tendie; 
' Le fou ! le fou ! ' a crier prist, 

En la cite par tot le mist : ^ 

Qui done veist les tms crever 

Et les hauz murs escraventer, 
10135 Grant dolor en poiist aveir 

Des granz tors que veist chaeir, 

Li dus trestote I'eissilla, 

Les murs et les tors craventa; 

Les homes fist emprisoner." 

In the Thehes all this destruction takes place before the death 
of Creon, after his death in the Knight's Tale. The great 
probability that Chaucer found in some source the statement 
that Theseus " rente adoun " the wall should be stressed. 
While Chaucer freely orders the material of his source and 
omits at will, he does not as a rule invent important details 
which he professes to find in a source, least of all does he do 

And in hir writing, also as they saine, 
Campaneus was in the wals slaine, 
With cast of stones he was so ouerlade." 

»Cf. MS. 6. 10479: 

" Le fu iht aporter li dus 
Et tout esprendre sus et jus. 
La ville fu mout tost esprise: 
N'i rem€st one autfil n'eglise. 
Tour ne pal&s en nuleguise, 
Que tout ne fus arz sanz devise." 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 135 

so in a tale of such historical dignity as the Knight's Tale. 
He later consistently reports the walls as waste (A. 1331). 
Cf. A. 1880: olde walles wyde. 

The destruction of the city by fire, mentioned in the passage 
quoted above (10131 f.), cannot be taken as evidence that 
Chaucer knew the Thebes; for he may have taken his state- 
ment that "^ the town was brent " {Trail, v. 1510) from Boccac- 
cio {Tes. II. 81). There is no mention of the burning of the 
city in the Knight's Tale. 

" And to the ladyes he restored agayn 
The tones of hir housbondes that tcere slayn, 
To doon obsequies, as was tho the gyse (A. 991-93). 
As dames fist rendre les cors, 
Qui porrisseient la defors: 
Les dames les ont mout plorez 
Et mout doucement regretez " (10149-52). 

The resemblance, though close, may not be significant. 

At line 1005 ends that portion of the K. T. which overlaps 
the story of the Thebaid and the Thebes; and any further 
mention of matter from either poem must be wrought in inci- 
dentally from that earlier portion of those narratives which 
precede the appeal to Theseus. In other words the Teseide 
and the Knight's Tale are continuations of the story of the 
Thebaid and the Thebes. Accordingly we need not be sur- 
prised to find beyond this point in the K. T. but few more 
phrases which look as if they were suggested by the Thebes. 

" Of Cadmus, which that Avas the firste man 
That Thebes bulte. or first the toun bigan, 
And of the citee first was crouned king" (K. T. 1547 ff.). 

/ 

" Kamus, qui fu fiex Agenor 
Et de Tebes fu premiers rois " (Thebes, 6312 f. A.). 

" Que Cadmus li preus i ferma, 
Qui ceste cite commencha (2113 f. A.). 
Si com Cadmus, qui fist la vile (9125 C). 

Ther saugh I Attheon an hert y-naked 

For vengeaunce that he saugh Diane al naked (2065 f.). 



136 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

. . . Dont Acteon fu engendrez 

Qui aprfes fu en cerf muez 

Por la deesse qu'ot veiie 

En la fontainne toute nue" (C. 9126 ff.)- 

Cf. Tes. VII. 79 : Atteon ... si muto in cervo. Of. also 
K. T. 2303. 

The claim that Chaucer knew that version of the Theban 
legend best represented by the Roman de TJiebes is well sup- 
ported by these prominent features which are common to the 
K. T. and to the Thebes, but have no basis whatever in Statins 
or Boccaccio: Theseus was riding on horseback when the sup- 
pliants begged his aid; he won Thebes by assault; he de- 
stroyed its walls and dwellings. The other resemblances 
|iointed out furnish cumulative evidence. Emphasis should 
l:'e laid on the fact that in the Teseide as in the Thebaid, 
Theseus is the typical classical conqueror making a triumphal 
entry, whereas in the K. T. he is a mediaeval knight whose 
chivalry manifests itself in the same way as in the Thebes. 

The Anelida and the Troilus are the other two poems that 
furnish hints of an acquaintance with the Roman de Thebes. 
If Chaucer had a source for the modern portion of the 
Anelida (i. e., 1. 71 ff.), it must have been a late medi- 
aeval one. The residence of a queen of Arminia at Thebes, 
while wholly out of rapport with the classical tradition, would 
be just the sort of thing one would expect in a French version 
belonging to the Roman de Thebes family. Cf. Thebes 3872, 
vv^here we are told that the son of Hergart, king of Ermine, 
was living at Thebes. 

" So desolat stood Thebes and so bare, 
That no wight coude lemedie of his cai-e (Anel. 62 f.). 
Que deserte en fu la contree 
Et eissilliee et deguastee " (10221 f.). 

The gloss fure d'enfer, found on the margin of ms. Harl. 
2392 at Troll, i. 6, may be Chaucer's owm and may have been 
taken from Thebes 510, Tesiphone, fure d'enfer. 



The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 137 

In his description of the Thehaid, Chancer may have applied 
to it the title of the O, F. poem: 

"This romaunce is of Thebes, that we rede" (Troil. n. 100). 

Cf. Ci commence li roumans de Thebes, in the rnbric of ms. 
B., also Explicit le jRonmanz de Thehes at the end of i^rs. C. 
See Constans, ii.^ p. x. 

" How the bisshop, as the book can telle, 
Amphiorax, fil thurgh the ground to helle " (Troil. ii. 104 f.)- 

Amphiarans is called arcevesqnes, Thehes 4791 ; cf. vesque 5051 
and 5079; vesques 5063; evesqne 5053. This touch is almost 
certainly due to the Old French as is Chaucer's spelling of the 
proper name. Cf. Troil. v. 1500, Anel. 57, C. T. I). 741, 
also Amphiarax, Thehes 4779 S., 4815 S., 4860 S. The 
Italian form of the name is Anfiarao, Tcs. ii. 11. Cf. En 
enfer chiet Amphiaras (4475 S.). 

Chaucer's form Stace is nearer to the O. F. Estace than 
to the Italian Stazio. Cf. Estasse, Thehes 19 P, Estace 2737 
EC, Anel. 21, H. F. 1460, Troil. v. 1792, Boccaccio, Am. 
Vis. 5. 

III. THE ACIIILLEIS. 

There is no reason why Chaucer should not have known the 
Achilleis, since it was read and admired in the Middle x\ges 
(Teuffel-Schwabe, Hist. Rom. Lit. 321.6). He refers to it in 
the House of Fame, where he names the works that in his 
estimation give Statins a right to fame (1460) : 

"The Tholosan that highte Stace, 
That bar of Thebes up the fame 
Upon his shuldres. and the name 
Also of cruel Achilles." 

But I have been unable to find an indication that Chaucer 
took anything from it, Lounsbury suggests (Studies in Chau- 
cer, II. 252) that the enrolling of Chiron among the famous 



138 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

harpers may possibly be credited to this source. Cf. H. F. 
1201 ff. with Achil i. 105-18 ; also i. 185, 572, ii. 156. 

" Ther herde I pleyen on an harpe 
That souned bothe wel and sharpe, 
Orpheus ful craftely, 
And on his syde faste by, 
Sat the harper Orion, 
And Eacides Chiron, 
And other harpers many oon." 

But Skeat rightly observes that Eacides Chiron is copied 
from Ovid, A. A. i. 17 /Eacidae Chiron. It may be added 
that he probably took the epithet cruel (1463) from the same 
source, where saevus is said of both Achilles and Amor (18). 

The fact that Gower uses the Achilleis makes it probable 
that his friend Chaucer was likewise acquainted with it. The 
story of Achilles at the court of Lycomedes is told by Gower 
(C. A. V. 2691-3201) in such a way as to leave little doubt 
that his source was the Achilleis. The strenuous training 
which Chiron gave his foster-son is described by Gower (C. A. 
IV. 1968 ff.). Here, too, he is probably dependent on the 
Achilleis (ii. 121 ff.). See Macaulay's note. 

" It is wel wist how that the Grekes stronge 
In armes with a thousand shippes wente 
To Troyewardes, and the citee longe 
Assegeden neigh ten yeer er they stente " {Troil. i. 58-61). 

The Filostrato does not mention the voyage of the Greeks 
towards Troy; but opens with the siege in progress (cf. i. 7). 
Thetis in her presentiments of the war to arise from the abduc- 
ton of Helen, saw the Ionian and the Aegean plowed by a 
thousand ships {Achil. i. 34) : Video iam mille carinis Ionium 
Aegaeumque premi. Bell says Chaucer probably obtained the 
number of the Grecian ships from Vergil {Aen. ii. 198) : ITon 
anni domuere decem, non mille carinae. That Vergil, not 
Statius, is the source of this definite number of ships, is 
probable because Chaucer mentions neigh ten yeer as the period 
of the siege. 



The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 139 



IV. THE SILVAE. 

The Silvae may be discussed briefly since there is no indi- 
cation that Chaucer knew of the existence of this book. He 
fails to mention it when he gives his reasons for placing the 
statue of Statius in the House of Fame. In fact, this men- 
tion of Statius' work was influenced by Dante, for Chaucer 
copies from him the adjective Tholosan, H. F. 1460 : 

"The Tholosan that highte Stace, 
That bar of Thebes up the fame 
Upon his shuldres, and the name 
Also of cruel Achilles. 

Tanto fu dolce mio vocale spirto, 

Che, Tolosano, a se me trasse Roma, 

Dove mertai le tempie ornar di mirto. 

Stazio la gente ancor di la mi noma: 

Cantai di Tebe e poi del grande Achille. 

Ma caddi in via con la seconda soma" {Purg. xxi. 88). 

See Skeat's note and Constans (ii. p. cliv, clviii). 

The erroneous opinion that Statius was a native of Toulouse 
was prevalent in the Middle Ages (Constans, Legende, pp. 
149-55) ; and probabh^ arose from confounding the poet, who 
was a ISTeapolitan, with the rhetorician Statius of Toulouse. 
Had the Silvae been read in the Middle Ages, Statius' own 
testimony would have corrected the error; for he refers to 
ISTaples as his native town, calling it by its poetical name 
Parthenope {8ilv. iii. 5, 79) : N'ostra quoque et propriis tenuis 
nee rara colonia Parthenope, cui mite solum trans aequora 
vectae Ipse Dionaea monstravit Apollo columba. Vollmer 
compares Suetonius (fr. 20.3 Reiff.) : Parthenopen Sirenem 
sepultam in Campaniae litore, a cuius nomine Neapolis Par- 
thenope vocitata aestimatur. Apropos in this connection are 
some lines found in Anthol. Lat. ii. 233 (Burm.) which decide 
between the claims of the rival cities : — 



140 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

" Qui piimo cecinit Tliebas, mox casus Achillem 
Occidit, hac colitur Statius in statua. 
Hunc genuit tali gavisa Neapolis ortu, 
Ipsa Tholosa licet blateret esse sutim. 
Quod si vana suum contendat Gallia vatem, 
Silvarum relegas, candide lector, opus. 
Haee etiam genuit Stellam paritura poetam, 
Ne sit in hoc uno splendida Parthenope." 

The words referred to are those of Statius to Stella (Silv. i, 2, 
260) : At te nascentem gremio niea prima recepit Parthenope. 
If our present knowledge of the textual tradition of the 
Silvae be correct, it is historically impossible that Chaucer 
could have known this work of Statius. Scholars at the court 
of Charlemagne at the beginning of the 9th century were 
familiar with it (Engelmann's Diss., p. 17 ; and Vollmer's 
Edit., p. 34) ; but we do not hear of the Silvae again until 
1416, when Poggio discovered a codex near Constance in Italy 
(Engelmann, Diss., p. 14; Clark, Classical Bev. xiii. 121 ff.). 
However, it must here be noted that, although Chaucer died 
sixteen years before Poggio's find, he seems to have known the 
title Argonauticon of Valerius Flaccus, the first three books 
and a part of the fourth of which were found at the same time ; 
for in the Legend of Good Women (1456 f.), he refers his 
readers to the Argonauticon for a list of those who went with 
Jason : — 

" But who so axeth who is with him gon, 
Lat him go reden Argonauticon." 

The list of the Argonauts is found Val. Fl. i. 350-484. Skeat, 
following Bech, says Chaucer here copies Dares (De excidio 
Troiae historia, cap. i.) Demonstrare eos qui cum lasone pro- 
fecti sunt non videtur nostrum esse: sed qui volunt eos cog- 
noscere, Argonautas legant. At the same time, Chaucer must 
have had additional knowledge about the title used by Valerius 
Maccus. If he had been dependent upon Dares alone, he 
would have written Argonautas or Argonautae. 



Tlie Influeiice of Statins upon Chaucer. 141 



CONCLUSION. 

With the exception of Ovid, and possibly of Boethiiis, 
Statins was Chancer's most familiar Latin anther. The natnre 
and extent of his borrowings from the Thehaid show an inti- 
mate acquaintance extending over almost the entire period of 
his literary activity. The Compleynt unto Pite, probably 
his earliest original work, owes (if Skeat be correct) its 
basal idea to Statins ; and the Knight's Tale furnishes 
abundant evidence to show that the Thehaid had not ceased 
to attract the author who drew from it his youthful inspiration. 

Those works of Chaucer which contain direct borrowings 
from the Thehaid are: Troilus (books i-v,), House of Fame, 
Legend of Good, Women, Compleynt unto Pite, Boole of the 
Duchesse, Compleynt of Mars, Anelida, Knight's Tale, Wife 
of Bath's Prologue ( ?), Merchant's Tale. Of these, the Troilus 
shows the most extensive influence. 

Mediate influence of the Thehaid comes to Chaucer through 
the Filostrato and the Teseide of Boccaccio and probably 
through the anonymous Roman de Thebes. The indirect in- 
fluence through the Filostrato is confined to the Troilus, but 
that through the Teseide is very extensive, being seen in Troilus 
(books II. and v.). Legend of Good Women, Parlement of 
Foules, Anelida, and especially in the Knight's Tale. Influ- 
ence through the Pioman de Thebes is seen in the Knight's Tale 
and perhaps in the Anelida and the Troilus. 

In regard to the relation to Statins of the Old French and 
Italian intermediaries, it is believed that the author of the 
Roman de Thebes, whatever other sources he may have had, 
made direct use of the Thehaid; and it is known that Boccaccio 
used the Thehaid as his principal source for the Teseide, closely 
adapting and even translating many passages. 

It was Chaucer's Avay to consult all available sources and 
to make up the most authentic story consistent with his artistic 



142 The Influence of Statius upon Chaucer. 

purpose. For example, while using Boccaccio, iie kept the 
text of Statius at his side, and used it as a commentary upon 
and supplement to the Teseide. The result in the Knight's 
Tale is a story richer in detail and clearer in idea than he could 
otherwise have written. Chaucer's sanity of judgment would 
have been a sufficient guide in abridging the long-drawn and 
often tedious quasi-epic of Boccaccio ; but it is at the suggestion 
of Statius that he dismisses the first book of the Teseide in a 
few lines and begins the Knight's Tale with Theseus' return 
to Athens. Conspicuous examples of his method are three 
descriptive portions of the Knight's Tale (A. 859-996, 1967- 
2050, 2863-2962) where Chaucer skilfully combined sources, 
going to the ultimate source for additional details. Boccaccio, 
in the corresponding portions of the Teseide, follows the The- 
haid very closely; consequently Statius' descriptions appear 
but little changed in Chaucer's version. 

The Achilleisj, though in all probability known to Chaucer, 
was not used by him. The 8ilvae was unknown to him, not 
yet having been rescued from the oblivion into which it fell in 
the 9th century. 

The following emendations of the text of the Canterbury 
Tales are suggested. Eead hrehing for hrelceth (A. 1642), 
aspes for waspes (B. 1749). 

The Cantus Troili (Troll, i. 400-420) is not referred to 
Lollius. Thus Lollius is consistently Boccaccio. 

Though authors in the Middle Ages frequently quoted from 
a source and referred, not to it, but to the most remote author 
known to have written about that subject, Chaucer's reference 
to Corinne (Anel. 21) is probably not an instance of the 
practice. Chaucer gives his references to sources in good faith. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY. 



Amar et Lejiaire: P. Papinii Statii opera omnia. Vols. l-iv. Paris, 

1825-30. 
Bell, R.: Poetical Works of Geoffrey Chaucer. 8 vols. London, 1854-56. 
Boccaccio, Giovanni: Opere volgari. 17 vols. Firenze, 1827-34. Vol. 

XIII. II Filostrato, vol. ix. La Teseide. 
Bright, James W. : Mod. Lang. Assoc. PuUicat., December, 1904, p. xxii. 
Carter, J. B. : Epitheta deorum quae apud poetas Latinos leguntur. 

Leipzig, 1902 (Roscher's Lexikon). 
Clark, A. C: Class. Rev. xiii. 119-30. 
CoNSTANS, L. : La Legende d'(Edipe. Paris, 1880. 

, Le Roman de Thebes public par L. Constans. Paris, 1890. 

, {Societe des anciens textes francais. 2 vols.). 

Engelmann, a.: De Statii Silvarum codicibus. Diss. Lips., 1902. 
FuRNiVALL, F. J.: Temporary Preface to the Six-Text Edition. Chaucer 

Society, 1868. 

, Trial Foreivords to the Minor Poems. Chaucer Society, 1871. 

Hamilton, G. L. : Chaucer's Indebtedness to Ouido delle Colonne. The 

Columbia University Press, 1903. 
KiSSNER, A. : Chaucer in semen Beziehungen zur italienischen Litteratwr. 

Diss. Bonn, 1871. 
Klotz: p. Papinius Statins, Achilleis. Rec. Lips., 1902. 
Koch, J. : On an Original Versioii of the Knight's Tale. Chaucer Society 

Essays, iv. 357 ff. 
KoEPPEL, E.: Lydgate's Story of Thebes. Eine Quellenuntersu^hung. 

Diss. Miinchen, 1884. 
KoHLMANN, P.: P. Papinius Statins, Thebais. Rec. Lips., 1884. 
KSlbing, E. : Zu Chaucer's Knightes Tale. Eng. Studien ii. 528-32. 
Laci'ANTIUS Placidus : Commentarii in Statii Thebaida et commentarius 

in Aehilleida. Rec. R. Jalmke. Lips., 1898. 
Lewis, W. L.: Translation of Statius' Thebaid, in Chalmers' English 

Poets, vol. XX. London, 1810. 
Liddell, M. H.: Chaucer: Prologue, Knightes Tale, Nonnes Prestes Tale. 

Ed. New York, 1901. 
LouNSBURY, T. R. : Studies in Chaucer. 3 vols. New York, 1892. 
Macaulay, G. C. : The Complete Works of John Gower. 4 vols. Ox- 
ford, 1 899- 1902. 
Meyee, Paul: Romania xxi. 107-09. 
Riedner, G. : Typische Ausserungen der ram. Dichter iiber ihre Bega- 

bung, ihren Beruf, und ihre Werke. Diss. Nurnberg, 1903. 

143 



144 The Influence of Statins upon Chaucer. 

RossETTi, W. M. : Chaucer's Troylus and Cryseyde compared icifh Boccac- 
cio's Filostrato. Chaucer Society, 1875, 1883. 

Skeat, W. W. : The Complete Works of Chaucer. 6 vols. Oxford, 
1894-1900. 

SoLERTi, A.: Storia Letteraria d'ltalia. Milano, 1904. 

Todd, F. A. : De Musis in carminibus poetarum Romanorum commemo- 
ratis. Diss. lenae, 190.3. 

Ttrwhitt, T. : Canterbury Tales. 5 vols. London, 1822. 

VoLLMER, F. : p. Papinii Statii Silvarum libri. Erkl. Leipzig, 1898. 

Ward, H. : Marginal Notes to the Knightes Tale. Chaucer Society. Six- 
Text Print. 

Warren, F. M.: Mod. Lang. Assoc. Puhlicat. 1901, pp. 375-87. 



V....- 



LIFE 



I was born at Stephens City, Virginia, July 7tli, 1874. 
After two years of preparatory study at Randolph-Macon 
xVcademy, Front Royal, Va., I entered Randolph-Macon Col- 
lege at Ashland, Va., in 1894, whence I graduated with the 
degree of A. B. in 1897 and of A. M. in 1898. I then re- 
turned to Randolph-Macon Academy as Instructor in Latin 
and served in that capacity for three years. 

In October, 1901, I was admitted as a graduate student 
in the Johns Hopkins University, where I have since then 
been pursuing courses in Latin, English, and German under 
the instruction of Professors Kirby Flower Smith, James W. 
Bright, Henry Wood, and Harry Langford Wilson. To these 
my instructors, I am greatly indebted, and above others to 
Professor Smith, who has been to me an inspiring teacher as 
well as an example of scholarly method. 

During the first two years of my attendance at this uni- 
versity, I was one of the Virginia Scholars; and during the 
last two years, I have been Fellow in the Department of Latin. 

Boyd Ashby Wise. 
Baltimore, May 1, 1905. 



)-^... 



v^^ 



,li 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



014 091 741 2 




